Modernity has become a goal for every nation in this time of a globalized and connected world. Nevertheless, in the 21st century, modernity is inherently reflexive as nations have the sources and technologies to adopt their own identity and act upon it. Global media is a mirror of their national identity and social structure. Thus, this dissertation sets the scope to explore how global news media frames national identity in the context of reflexive modernity.This study examines the ways that global online news channels frame the Saudi transition to modernization, epitomizing Saudi Vision 2030. Guided by framing theory, this study explores how global online news channels (i.e., Al Arabiya, Al Jazeera, RT, BBC, and CNN) have positioned the Saudi identity (i.e., avowal and ascription) and framed the structure of the Saudi identity (i.e., indulgence, restraint, certainty, uncertainty, thriving governance, and doomed governance). The study utilized a mixed-method content analysis of news articles (N = 584) that include paragraphs (N = 7846) from three years, April 25, 2016, to April 25, 2019. The study results indicated that global online news channels framed the Saudi cultural identity and political identity heterogeneously, but the Saudi economic identity was framed homogenously. The study’s findings revealed that the English online news channels positioned the Saudi cultural identity different from the Arabic online news channels. The Study also found that Al Jazeera-Arabic framed the Saudi national identity across all contexts differently compared to Al Arabiya-Arabic. The study also showed that uncertainty and restraint were used to frame the Saudi cultural and political identity, while human rights issues were the central theme for the framing process. The study concluded that, in reflexive modernity, global online news channels frame the national identity through three cues: Deviation (glocalization), Domination (interpretive community), and Hybridization (humanization). This study contributes to the literature on framing by providing a new measurable and replicable model—the national identity frame model. The study advances the literature on media framing by providing conceptual and operational definitions to bridge the gap between the micro and macro levels in the context of modernization and global identities.

This dissertation examines the concept of gendered space as it applies to prayer spaces in Islam, particularly mosques and mushollas exclusively for women. Gendered space is often articulated as space created by those with power—men— in order to control women’s access to knowledge and to put them at a disadvantage, thereby maintaining patriarchal structures. Yet, when groups are relegated to or voluntarily choose the margins, those within may transform the margins into sites of empowerment. I consider the dynamics of religious space, including its construction, maintenance, and activities performed by its inhabitants, by focusing on the Women’s Mosque of America in Los Angeles, which opened in 2015, and Musholla ‘Aisyiyah Ranting Karangkajen and Musholla ‘Aisyiyah Kauman, which have been in operation since the 1920s in Yogyakarta, Indonesia. This work is based on ethnographies of the attendees of these three sites in order to explore the experiences of the women and the impact both traditional religious spaces and religious spaces exclusive to women have on their spirituality, ideas of authority, and sense of community. The Women’s Mosque of America and ‘Aisyiyah women’s mushollas create opportunities for women to participate in and contribute to Muslim communities by basing their efforts on the Sunnah and examples of female piety and leadership in early Islam. The present research challenges the argument that gendered spaces are inherently detrimental and must be remedied by a de-gendering process. Rather, the accounts of the attendees of the Women’s Mosque of America and ‘Aisyiyah women’s mushollas speak to the possibilities of creating an exclusive space that privileges those within it, fulfilling the women’s desire of religious knowledge, leadership, community, and piety in ways that traditional religious spaces have at times fallen short.

The Islamic Golden Era of the 9th through 11th century is considered the apex of Muslim philosophical and scientific development. Having translated, improved upon, and preserved the texts of ancient civilizations, the Abbasid Caliphate was said to be the intellectual powerhouse of its time. In stark contrast, contemporary Muslim societies are perceived by many science historians as being shadows of their former selves. This deterioration of intellectualism is thought to have started with Al-Ghazali and his Tahafut al-Falasifa, or The Incoherence of the Philosophers in the mid-11th century. Many of these scholars believe that Al-Ghazali and his influential text shifted sociopolitical power into the hands of those most against the Greeks, and consequently, against the development of philosophy and science. However, this presumption overplays the power of a single text as well as its intentions to cease intellectual pursuits.

This thesis will explore the Incoherence of the Philosophers from several layers. Attention will be given to analyzing the cultural and historical contexts by which the text was created to understand the purpose of the text and its interpretation by contemporary historians. Several theories by the historians will be explored. Additional analysis will also be conducted within the text to illustrate Al-Ghazali’s aversion to Greek metaphysics and ambivalent attitude towards philosophy. As such, this thesis will dive into the most controversial aspects of Al-Ghazali’s text, namely his criticism of the eternity of the world theory as well as his attitude on causality. The former will elucidate his willingness and mastery of philosophy, whereas the latter will be utilized to address and quell the concerns of those who believe that Al-Ghazali and his text wished to devastate the development of science in the Muslim world.

Scholars have identified the mass media plays a crucial role in the dissemination of terror messages. Since the attacks of September 11th, 2001, much attention has been paid to terrorism in the global television landscape. More recently, the discourse surrounding acts of terror has changed, in part due to the people behind the attacks. This study seeks to understand how global television news broadcasts frame acts of terror based on two current threats: the individual terrorist (the Lone Wolf) and the organized group (the Islamic State). Using the theoretical framework of Entman’s framing theory and Altheide’s (1987) notion of a global drama, this research identifies the ways global news organizations frame acts of terror both visually and verbally based on the classification of the attacker. Using content analysis methodology, this study analyzed six terror attacks that took place between November, 2015 and December, 2016. Three of these attacks were classified as “Lone Wolves” and three were carried out by the terrorist organization called the Islamic State. This study looked at 562 stories on six global news channels and examined 9,479 images. Through a comparative analysis, three American and three International news channels were examined. It was discovered global news networks contain visual differences in framing, but similarities in verbal framing. Although it was expected to find vast differences in global news’ framing of acts of terror, this study finds a homogenization of the television news narrative following terrorist attacks. This study builds on existing research and suggests a global script for covering acts of terror that has several implications from a theoretical and practical standpoint. Findings indicate global coverage of Islamic State attacks employ and “Us vs. Them” frame, while Lone Wolf attacks are framed as “Us vs. Us”, a new frame presented in this study. The results advance the literature focused on framing theory, comparative journalism research and global television news coverage of terrorism. As terrorism has garnered extensive media attention, understanding the ways that global news frames terrorism has vast implications.

This research looks at the epidemic of suicide among Nigerian Americans specifically based in the United States. The Work of Emile Durkheim in his 1897 book, Suicide will inform most of the research works in discussing suicide in general. This research draws mostly on primary sources including published articles, books, and personal accounts on the topic. The goal of this research is to shine a much-needed light on the growing rate of suicide among minorities in America, specifically Nigerian Americans, looking at the history of Nigerian presence in the U.S. till now. The aspect explored include religion, values, home, and immigration as considerable factors when dealing with suicides among Nigerian American populations. As part of this thesis, I conducted a survey on suicide to see what Nigerian Americans think of suicide and to better understand the reasons for suicide among young Nigerian Americans. The majority of the respondents are from Arizona and Colorado. Results of the survey conducted suggest that loneliness, academic failure, family issues, depression increase or contribute to the risk of suicide among young Nigerian Americans. This research will provide adequate information on suicide in general and identifying markers as to which types are likely occurring when concern rises.

This study explores the effectiveness of citizen diplomacy and more specifically America's Unofficial Ambassadors as an international non-governmental organization focused on engaging more Americans in citizen diplomacy throughout the Muslim world. America's Unofficial Ambassadors is part of a larger trend to include citizen involvement in diplomacy through cooperation with international non-governmental organizations (NGOs). A questionnaire was created with 16 questions (see Appendix A&B) focused on measuring America's Unofficial Ambassadors effectiveness. All participants (N=33) were alumni of one of America's Unofficial Ambassadors' signature programs. They were invited via email to complete the questionnaire. Most participants were pursuing a 4-year degree or had completed a 4-year degree or more and were between the ages of 18-34. Each one of the participants' results showed that overall, America's Unofficial Ambassadors, is generally effective in conducting citizen diplomacy at a grassroots level. All participants reported making connections with locals while in country, while most participants reported that they felt a responsibility to share their experience as a volunteer with Americans upon return and felt that program required blogging and community presentations in their home communities were important parts of their experience. AUA's effectiveness as a program could be improved with better pre-departure information that included basic knowledge about Islam, as well as provide a book list that highlights important discussions in the Muslim world related to culture and practice. Further research needs to be conducted in host countries with partner sites to gain a more robust understanding of America's Unofficial Ambassadors effectiveness as a citizen diplomacy initiative and organization. Keywords: public diplomacy, citizen diplomacy, international non-governmental organizations, America's Unofficial Ambassadors, grassroots, Muslim world

The Islamic State also known as ISIS is an organization and a self-proclaimed state that emerged from many diverse factors. Its roots lie with Abu Musab al-Zarqawi (1966—2006), the 2003 invasion of Iraq and the ideologies of various modern-day Jihadi-Salafist. ISIS proclaimed a world-wide Caliphate in 2014 and named Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi as its Caliph. Muslim, non-Muslim states and Islamic authorities however, rejected its claim to statehood or caliphate. The goal of this thesis is to understand the development of this new phenomenon by analyzing its history, rhetoric, ideology and practice. Prior to its creation, the tensions in Iraq during the Saddam Hussein regime and its relationship to the first and the second Iraq war in 1990-91 and 2003 as well as the creation of Al-Qaeda in Afghanistan that led to the emergence of a new phenomenon, global jihadism. The main ideology that the Islamic State promotes is a form of Jihadi-Salafism that claims to unite Muslims against all non-Muslim governments in order to bring “true Islam” back into the world. To do this, jihadists justify the establishment of the Caliphate in an effort to provide legitimacy to their actions, appealing to young people who often times are seduce by their eschatology. Once individuals join, they are taught concepts pertaining to martyrdom to establish loyal to the organization and its cause. To win people over, the Islamic State employs modern methods of communication that includes social media such as Youtube and Twitter, as well as magazines such as Dabiq. These resources address the online community and specifically attract individuals who feel isolated from their communities, or individuals who wish to create an impact on the world. Overall, the Islamic State, although it employs Islamic symbols and scriptures in their claim of representing all Muslims, does not adhere to, nor respect the historical and intellectual discussions of Islam in favor of their own political agenda. Its adherents utilize concepts from certain Salafi and Wahhabi ideals, emphasizing jihad as defensive war against the West in an attempt to isolate parts of society so that they can retain control. They ignore the main concept of mercy within the Islamic faith. Muslims in the Arizona community agree that the Islamic State is not a representation of Islam in this world and should not be equivocated with the Islamic practices that more than 1.6 billion Muslims practice in their daily life.

“Recite (read)! In the name of your lord who has created all that exists” (1:96 Qur‟an). “Iqra” was the first word revealed to the Prophet of Islam (PBUH). The word “iqra” is an imperative verb in Arabic, and in the context of the verse it is commanding the Prophet (PBUH) to recite. This fact carries great significance as it was the first command given to the Muslims (Ibn Kathir). Muslims believe the Qur'an is in its original form and language, Arabic. Arabic is considered to be in inexhaustible language due to its vast vocabulary and root-based origin (Humza Yusuf). Each root is typically based on three letters, which are conjugated in different ways to creating individual words. Any word in the Qur'an can be traced back to a root word, thus enhancing the meaning of each carefully chosen phrase (Ibn Kathir). The word “al-Qur'an”, means, the book that is recited, therefore, it is fitting that the first verse revealed pertains to its recital. According to history the majority of civilizations were built off scripture or books. The Greeks had Homer, the Egyptians had hieroglyphics, the Christians had the Bible, and the Hebrews had the Torah. Interestingly enough, the Pre-Islamic Arabs were an ancient civilization with no book; the Qur'an was the first book in Arabic history. This was earthshattering for the Arabs of the time, as it was something new and went against the tradition, however, the revelation of the Qur'an proved to be the most influential occurrence in the Arab history. The Qur'an is a literary masterpiece, flaunting its superior style forming moving and powerful verses. The layout of the Qur'an is quite simple, as it contains thirty parts, called ajzaa (juz singular), which altogether make up 114 chapters, called surahs (Humza Yusuf). The beginning surahs are longer, and the verses are lengthy, while the latter surahs are much shorter and the verses are succinct and direct (Qur'an al Kareem). Each verse is known as an “ayah, ayaat (pl)” directly translated to mean a “sign” or a “miracle” in the Arabic language. There are over 6,600 ayaat in the Qur'an, ranging from some just one or two words, while others are hundreds of words. Each surah, has a general theme, and each surah is given at least one title, while a few surahs have more than one title (Humza Yusuf).

I argue that the most important value put in jeopardy by the Muslim Brotherhood's rise to power in post-Mubarak Egypt is not democracy but liberalism. Further, I find that that the lens of religion is insufficient to explain and understand the Brotherhood's illiberal tendencies. A review of the group's rhetoric, along with an examination of the literature on collectivism and individualism, reveals that the Brotherhood's collectivist worldview is at the heart of its opposition to liberalism, an inherently individualistic value. I conclude that viewing the Brotherhood as a movement motivated by a collective sense of morality would provide policymakers and academics with greater insight into the group's behavior and policy positions, facilitating deeper comprehension and greater predictability.

South Sudan claims the position of being the newest state in the world, formed by a referendum on separation from Sudan held in 2011. The referendum comes after a half a century of fighting, which led to the displacement of an estimated four million South Sudanese and the death of two million. The massive numbers of displaced people fled to Northern Sudan or surrounding countries, crossing borders and becoming refugees. A comparatively small number were repatriated into countries of second asylum, such as the United States. Arizona, a state with relatively cheap cost of living and a large amount of low-skilled jobs became a favored state for resettling refugees. In 2013, the South Sudanese population in the greater Phoenix area was estimated to be around 4,000. This paper is an exploration of the how South Sudanese refugee youth identify themselves, and find their place in a new country, and in Phoenix, without losing their roots. This paper concludes that South Sudanese refugee youth have a hyphenated identity. They identify as both proud South Sudanese and as American citizens. This identity is formed by strong ties to the South Sudanese community and education by parents on the one hand, and integration in American schools and norms on the other hand. Having a hyphenated identity also affects the work that these South Sudanese do and their relationships with South Sudan. This research also highlights the difficulties with theorizing immigration and identity, by placing discussions of integration and transnationalism in concert with the voices of actual immigrants. The findings in this paper are developed from 12 oral history interviews of South Sudanese in conjunction with existing scholarly literature on refugees, South Sudan, and identity.