Undertaking an intellectual history and employing a diachronic approach, this study seeks to unravel both the continuity and change in the ulama’s discourse on the usurpation of power from the 2nd - 9th Islamic Era or between the 8th-15th Common Era, the early twentieth century, and the period of the Arab Spring. I define usurpation in this study as an unlawful encroachment against a ruler which consists of one of the three following actions: military coup (al-taghallub), domination (al-ḥijr), and seizure of local territory (al-ʿistīlāʾ ʿalā al-ʾimāra). In doing so, I pay particular attention to discursive strategy and shift: the ways in which the ulama construct their discourses within the paradigms of the existing Islamic legal and theological schools and the way the Western political philosophies, particularly constitutionalism and legitimacy, may have shaped their ideas. I also discuss the extent to which they called for reformulation of Islamic political tradition. I argue that the ulama responded to recurrent phenomena of usurpation in history by mobilizing historical arguments from Islamic intellectual legacy (turāth). Despite their divergent substantive opinions and approaches to the issue of usurpation, they share a commitment to Islamic tradition. This reliance on tradition contrasts with the tendency of the Western Post-Enlightenment thinkers who perceive the past as darkness and immaturity. My dissertation also demonstrates how modernity informs contemporary ulama to generate various approaches to the agreed-upon pre-modern legal norms of usurpation of power.

This project is focused on slavery in the medieval Islamic world. The aim of the study is to understand in more depth the way in which race and color were incorporated into understandings of slavery by medieval Islamic writers, and also who was able to be enslaved from their perspective. A genre of slave buying manuals will be analyzed in order to gain a greater understanding of these concepts. Research focused primarily on three authors. These authors were Ibn Al-Akfani who lived most of his life in Cairo during the 14th century, Ibn Butlan who lived in the 11th century in Baghdad, and Al-Saqati who lived in the 13th century in Málaga. I argue that there are clearly ideas of race and racial constructions within the medieval Islamic context as evidenced by these texts, but that there is not enough evidence to support a connection between these ideas of race and ideas of color or enslaveability. Additionally, I argue that there is no connection between color and enslaveability during this period as reflected in these texts.

Historical study of Congo and Ghana during the period of decolonization with context of colonialism. The ideas of Neo-Colonialism and Pan-Africanism are explained and contrasted. Neo-Colonialism is a criticism of the coercive activities of former colonizing countries in former colonies. Pan-Africanism is the idea that all African people should be united to combat oppression and prejudice. These two forces directly clashed during decolonization with the United States playing the part of a Neo-Colonial power. The U.S., through organizations such as the C.I.A., attempted to destroy Pan-African ideas in both the Congo under Patrice Lumumba and Ghana under Kwame Nkrumah.

The Confederate States of America folded as a political project in 1865, but ex-Confederates refused to surrender the ideological cornerstones of a culture of white supremacy. That Lost Cause was a Confederacy of ideas that seized the imaginations of those who claimed a stake in the failed republic. But a curious thing happened to a backwards-looking mythos that idealized local democracy over distant tyranny, white over black, and agrarian manhood over industrial mechanization. Like the ex-Confederate leaders who fled the United States after defeat, the Lost Cause migrated from the vanquished South to South America, finding fertile soil in Brazil, a nation with a deep history of analogous conflicts over race, power, and the allure of an immaculate historical myth. From there, the confederados, as they would come to be called, challenged by a Brazilian society that defied their preconceived notions of race and slavery, would amalgamate their white heritage and local Brazilian culture into an identity that was both wholly unique yet still distinctly Confederate, an identity that manages to persist to this day. Confederados in Brazil today recover an imagined heritage that was portable: like the CSA in North America, Confederados romanticize and mythologize racial identity and a struggle against a distant federal tyranny threatening individual rights. Yet at the same time, an even more curious thing has happened: they have seemingly betrayed their white heritage in certain aspects and adopted distinctly un-Confederate attitudes towards race, the very same attitudes that they had struggled to. Through analyzing both this movement and the analogous Lost Cause movement in the United States, one can begin to understand the allure that such movements have for particular groups of people, as well as how these movements have persisted so long after their initial founding.

The Islamic Golden Era of the 9th through 11th century is considered the apex of Muslim philosophical and scientific development. Having translated, improved upon, and preserved the texts of ancient civilizations, the Abbasid Caliphate was said to be the intellectual powerhouse of its time. In stark contrast, contemporary Muslim societies are perceived by many science historians as being shadows of their former selves. This deterioration of intellectualism is thought to have started with Al-Ghazali and his Tahafut al-Falasifa, or The Incoherence of the Philosophers in the mid-11th century. Many of these scholars believe that Al-Ghazali and his influential text shifted sociopolitical power into the hands of those most against the Greeks, and consequently, against the development of philosophy and science. However, this presumption overplays the power of a single text as well as its intentions to cease intellectual pursuits.

This thesis will explore the Incoherence of the Philosophers from several layers. Attention will be given to analyzing the cultural and historical contexts by which the text was created to understand the purpose of the text and its interpretation by contemporary historians. Several theories by the historians will be explored. Additional analysis will also be conducted within the text to illustrate Al-Ghazali’s aversion to Greek metaphysics and ambivalent attitude towards philosophy. As such, this thesis will dive into the most controversial aspects of Al-Ghazali’s text, namely his criticism of the eternity of the world theory as well as his attitude on causality. The former will elucidate his willingness and mastery of philosophy, whereas the latter will be utilized to address and quell the concerns of those who believe that Al-Ghazali and his text wished to devastate the development of science in the Muslim world.

The essay conducts a wide review of the existing modern scholarship on plague, caused by Yersinia pestis, during the second plague pandemic in the Islamicate Mediterranean. A historiographical approach was taken to analyze the terminology recorded in scholarly plague treatises across the timeline of the historical narrative, from the centuries before during and after the 1348 plague pandemic known as the Black Death. Focus is given to the medical and symptom-based terminology that was used by medieval scholars to describes plagues arrival, appearance, and effects. Modern authors writing about regions from Anatolia and the Ottoman lands in the eastern Mediterranean, to the Andalusian region in Spanish Granada have translated and discussed major medieval treatises by scholars who were contemporary to the disease epidemics and this essay explores the medieval terminology using modern scholarship. An analysis of the detailed modern plague scholarship in the eastern Islamicate Mediterranean explores the interpretations and discussions generated by the numerous sources who wrote historical and religious treatises on plague during the initial pandemic and subsequent epidemic events. In the western Islamicate Mediterranean a trio of detailed treatises describe the symptoms and treatments for an unprecedented pandemic, providing unparalleled descriptive confirmation of the presence of plague related mortality. This western record is limited, however, by its finite temporal range, as no plague treatise arise from the Islamicate scholars in the western Mediterranean kingdoms to describe the events before or after the famous 1348 pandemic. Between the kingdoms in the east and west is a wasteland in the medieval scholarship on plague, its plague experience largely explained only in comparison with the adjacent regions. With this background the essay will seek the patterns and notable features in scholarly terminology, in order to create a coherent picture of the plague experience across the Islamicate Mediterranean.

This thesis explores some of the ways in which Egyptian men and women changed certain aspects of their reality through collective actions in public spaces during and after the 2011 Revolution. This thesis argues that the power of collective action which Egyptian men and women successfully employed in 2011 to bring down the thirty year regime of Hosni Mubarak carried over into the post-Revolutionary era to express itself in three unique ways: the combatting of women's sexual harassment in public spaces, the creation of graffiti with distinct Revolutionary themes, and the creation of protest music which drew from historical precedent while also creating new songs. The methodology of this study of the 2011 Egyptian Revolution lies is the use of newspaper reporting and online sources as primary source material. These sources include Egyptian newspapers such as Egypt Independent and Al Ahram, as well as scholarly websites like Jadaliyya, and also personal blogs. These accounts provide topical and up to the minute accounts of history as it unfolded. Primary source material is also drawn from oral interviews done during the summer of 2012 by the author and others in Egypt. The theoretical grounding lies in social movement theories that are centered on the Middle Eastern context in particular. Drawing from newspaper accounts and social movement theories this thesis is built around a notion of collective action expressed in unique ways in post-2011 Revolution Egypt. This thesis is also solidly grounded in the history of Egypt as relevant to each of the topics which it explores: combatting sexual harassment and the creation of graffiti and music. Relevant scholarly books help to inform the historical material presented here as context. This thesis is situated within the existing literature on the 2011 Egyptian Revolution and public history while also contributing something new to this area of study by examining the actions of ordinary men and women acting in public spaces in new ways during and after the Revolution. The existing literature on the 2011 Revolution generally neglects micro-level changes of the sort discussed in the topical areas to follow. The ordinary men and women who contributed to the Revolution are now part of the historical record, an example of the public making history par excellence.

This thesis focuses on justice, human rights, and migration in Iraq. It explores the ideas of justice and human rights, and how they influence the migration of the Iraqi Assyrians and Chaldeans. Through the use of qualitative methodology, including a review of scholarly literature, personal experience, and semi-formal interviews with ten individuals, this research mainly focuses on the influence that justice and human rights had on migration during the U.S.-Iraq War, from 2003 until 2011. Justice, human rights, and migration before and after the War are examined. The study concludes that justice and human rights are factors that influence the migration of Iraq's Assyrian and Chaldean community throughout the U.S.-Iraq War; however justice and human rights are not the only factors.

This thesis examines the advent of the Egyptian women's movement from the late nineteenth century until the middle of the twentieth century. Continuous negotiations for control between the secular and the religious institutions of Egypt led to the state's domination over the public jurisdiction and the Islamists maintaining a grip over the Egyptian private sphere, which includes family laws and matters of the home. The Egyptian women's movement contested and resisted against the secular nationalists (the state) and conservative Islamists for just and equal society in general, and political rights, and educational, marriage, and divorce reform specifically, which were assurances made to the women's movement by both. Groups formed within the movement joined together and converged to collaborate on key concerns that involved Egyptian women as a collective group such as education and political rights. Using the written works of scholars and leaders of these movements, this study investigates and observes the unique unity achieved through the diversity and disunity of the Egyptian women's movement; as well as explores the individual activism of significant leaders and pioneers of the movement in the midst of cultural encounters resulting from imperialism, political revolutions, and other major societal and political developments of nineteenth and twentieth century Egypt. It explores the ideas and actions of the Egyptian women as they emerged from a veil of silence which shadowed women's existence in Egypt's crucial years of nationalization eventually leading to a unique emergence of an incorporation of Islamism and feminism.