Following the Russian Federation’s illegal invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, the world has once again found itself in a time of crisis. President Vladimir Putin has chosen to rewind the clock and restore the Cold War-era divide between Russia…
Following the Russian Federation’s illegal invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, the world has once again found itself in a time of crisis. President Vladimir Putin has chosen to rewind the clock and restore the Cold War-era divide between Russia and the United States. The European Union, while still divided internally on numerous issues, has seemingly chosen to rise to the occasion in the wake of Russia’s invasion and assert itself as an equal party to both Cold War-era rivals. All the while China, the pacing, ever vigilant threat, continues to keep its cards close to its chest, and it remains to be seen whether a new Sino-Soviet split will emerge just as before or if the adage “the enemy of my enemy is my friend” still rings true. However, 2022 is not 1962, at least not yet. The global nuclear non-proliferation regime, the culmination of sixty years of constant effort between adversary and ally alike, exists to save the United States and Russia from themselves. Despite the breadth and authority of the regime there are threats abound to its existence, particularly in this time of deep uncertainty. It is incumbent upon the nuclear powers of the world, and Russia especially, to ensure that it does not become a casualty of this age. The world must therefore look back to the early days of the Cold War when crises were abundant, and the United States and the Soviet Union repeatedly brought humanity to the edge of the nuclear abyss. What we learn from doing so is that, while difficult, the global nuclear non-proliferation regime can be supported through unilateral, bilateral, and multilateral actions such as novel weaponry moratoriums, a return to adversarial arms control, and achieving the universality of export control regimes, respectively.
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Countries such as Haiti—where corruption, violence, and extreme poverty hinder economic growth and recovery— require multifaceted, interdisciplinary solutions. The United States, along with much of the western world, has a flawed understanding of foreign aid. Though current humanitarian efforts have…
Countries such as Haiti—where corruption, violence, and extreme poverty hinder economic growth and recovery— require multifaceted, interdisciplinary solutions. The United States, along with much of the western world, has a flawed understanding of foreign aid. Though current humanitarian efforts have effectively improved the lives of millions of Haitians, they fail to address the systemic roots of Haiti’s issues. Likewise, some efforts have been counterproductive or even harmful. If the US wishes to assist Haiti (and similar developing countries for that matter) in its journey to restoring the rule of law, reducing corruption, and empowering its citizens, it must collaborate with Haitian leaders and prioritize socioeconomic policy programs.
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The refugee crisis is a mounting issue beginning to capture the world’s attention. Consequently, the concerning rise of these numbers indicates that more and more humans are experiencing the traumatic and distressing experience of displacement. While theory on psychosocial well-being…
The refugee crisis is a mounting issue beginning to capture the world’s attention. Consequently, the concerning rise of these numbers indicates that more and more humans are experiencing the traumatic and distressing experience of displacement. While theory on psychosocial well-being has been prevalent in the social sciences, global-oriented humanitarian organizations are beginning to recognize the growing need for its implementation in reactionary models. This study is a critical literature review aiming to answer the question of how several of these international humanitarian organizations’ existing models on mental health and psychosocial support (MHPSS) services compare to theory and literature on psychosocial well-being. The units analyzed in this comparison are organizations such as the USAID, UNHCR, and War Child as they are compared to theorists and contributors to the field of psychosocial well-being such as Abraham Maslow (1970), Urie Bronfenbrenner (1981), The National Center of PTSD (2006), and the work of Kanagaratnam, et.al (2021). The critical literature review yields a comparison between organizations that highlights the interventionist strengths of the USAID according to the National Center of PTSD, community-building and technical strengths of the UNHCR as it is similar to Bronfenbrenner’s Ecological Systems Model (1981), and War Child’s strengths in support-building in the psychosocial ecosystem as well as a modern and innovative development of programs as recommended by the Refugee Mental Health Framework (Kanagaratnam, et. al, 2021). The researcher recommends that future studies be conducted to assess the efficacy of these models, as the international community and displaced populations benefit from quality, evidence-informed psychosocial support services.
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The Honorable Anthony Blinken<br/>Secretary of State<br/>U.S. Department of State<br/>2201 “C” Street NW<br/>Washington, D.C.<br/><br/>Dear Secretary Blinken,<br/>I am writing you to bring to your attention a potential policy solution in regards to the struggled implementation of the Colombian Peace Accords with the…
The Honorable Anthony Blinken<br/>Secretary of State<br/>U.S. Department of State<br/>2201 “C” Street NW<br/>Washington, D.C.<br/><br/>Dear Secretary Blinken,<br/>I am writing you to bring to your attention a potential policy solution in regards to the struggled implementation of the Colombian Peace Accords with the FARC Insurgency. This policy brief has been written with extensive research and input from experts in Colombian foreign policy and general foreign and domestic policy alike. <br/>The research has found that due of the current status of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia on the Foreign Terrorists Organization (FTO) Classification list, aid and protections that have been promised to the former members has not been provided, causing a rise in members re-arming themselves against the national Colombian government. This policy brief recommends that the State Department authorize the removal of the FARC from the FTO Classification list in order for U.S. AID and other forms of finance can reach former FARC members and deter them from becoming actively violent once again.<br/>Thank you for taking the time to consider this policy proposal, I look forward to hearing back from your office. <br/><br/>Sincerely,<br/>Kyle Slaughter<br/>Honors Student<br/>Arizona State University
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