The U.S. is experiencing high levels of political animosity. Whereas much of the intergroup contact literature has focused on improving intergroup relations by reducing anxieties associated with interacting with other groups, some of the motivation literature suggests a different approach: focusing on immediate rewards, such as fun in the moment. The present study investigated the effectiveness of instructing pairs of participants to focus on immediate rewards, relative to focusing on immediate (anxiety) prevention or a no-goal control condition, for increasing participants’ willingness to interact with members of the opposite political party and making those interactions less aversive. Given prior work suggesting differences between conservatives and liberals in terms of threat aversion and openness, it also investigated whether these results differed for Republicans and Democrats. Ninety-two same-sex Democrat-Republican dyads were recruited from the Sona pool at Arizona State University and randomly assigned to one of three instruction conditions. Before engaging in a 15-minute interaction, participants responded to questions about how well they expected the interactions to go, and after the conversation, they evaluated how they felt during the conversation, their perceptions of their partner’s behaviors, and how willing they would be to interact with the outparty again. It was predicted that participants in the immediate rewards condition would report more positive expectancies of the interactions, more positive impressions of their partners, and greater willingness to interact with the outparty again. It was also expected that Democrats in the immediate rewards condition, and Republicans in the immediate prevention condition, would report more positive expectancies of the interactions, more positive impressions of their partners, and greater willingness to interact with the outparty again relative to Republicans, and to Democrats, in the same conditions. Results of 3 Between-Dyad Condition X 2 Within-Dyad Political Party mixed analyses of variance (ANOVAs) suggested that whereas the immediate rewards condition was associated with marginally more positive expectancies relative to the no-goal control condition, the immediate prevention condition was associated with more enjoyable interactions relative to the no-goal control condition. Although condition effects did not differ significantly by political party, Republicans exhibited some more positive outcomes relative to Democrats.

This study tested the effect of status threat on ingroup identification and examined identity concealability and stereotype endorsement as moderators of the relationship. Participants included a visible identity group (Asian men) and a concealable identity group (gay men). Participants were randomized into either a status threat condition, in which they read a vignette that reminded them of a negative stereotype about the target group and discussed positive stereotypes of the group as well, or a control condition that discussed positive stereotypes only. Participants then responded to a measure of ingroup identification and a measure of stereotype endorsement. A significant main effect of status threat on ingroup identification was found, such that participants in the status threat condition showed lower ingroup identification. The interaction of condition and concealability was not significant. The interaction of condition and stereotype endorsement was marginally significant, such that the main effect shows up stronger for those lower on stereotype endorsement. The main effect is interpreted as a potential protective strategy for self-esteem. The stereotype threat interaction is interpreted as a difference in the way that those who do and do not endorse the stereotype view the legitimacy of the status threat.

Although recent research has suggested that motivations such as disease avoidance and self-protection are associated with increased social conservatism, less is known about the impact of other fundamental motivations on political attitudes. This is particularly important given that the currently studied motivations do not consistently push around economic attitudes, which are an important determinant of voting. The current study investigated the impact of a different motivation, status desire, on both economic and social attitudes in a sample of undergraduate students at a large southwestern university. Participants first reported their overall, economic, and social ideology one month before participating in a lab study. Then, in the lab, they were presented either with a vignette designed to elicit status desire, or a closely matched control, before responding to a series of items about economic and social political attitudes. It was predicted that economic conservatives and liberals in the status desire condition would report more economically conservative attitudes relative to their counterparts in the control condition. By contrast, it was predicted that social conservatives in the status desire condition would report more socially conservative attitudes, whereas social liberals in the status desire condition would report more socially liberal attitudes, relative to their counterparts in the control condition. However, the use of hierarchical linear regressions showed no significant effects of motive activation condition, or interactions of motive activation condition with relevant pre-screen political ideology, in predicting either economic or social political attitudes. Implications of these results for future research are discussed.

While women constitute a majority of the U.S. population, they still make up only a minority of political officeholders. Some of the literature in political ambition argues that one of the reasons for the dearth of women in elective office is that women are less socialized than men to want to run for political office. The same literature suggests that such disparity can be traced back to high school. This exploratory paper examines the possibility that the disparity may be due, at least in part, to the different ways in which men and women are represented in civics textbooks. Specifically, because some works already suggest that women are less represented than men in civics textbooks, this work examines whether there are any differences between the way that regular and AP civics textbooks represent men and women. This was done using content analysis on AP and regular textbooks from three schools each from different districts in the state of Arizona. The findings from the content analyses were consistent with the first three hypotheses: that (1) the AP civics textbooks have a higher percentage of women than do the regular civics textbooks, (2) the AP civics textbooks devote a higher percentage of pages to women’s names than do the regular civic textbooks, and that (3) that both the AP and regular civics textbooks discuss women and men with a neutral tone. However, findings were not consistent with the fourth hypothesis, (4) that there will be more female role models among the top mentioned women in AP textbooks than there will be role models among the top mentioned women in regular textbooks. The manifest content analysis revealed that the percent of women mentioned in the AP textbooks sampled was 2.8 to 3 times higher than that of regular textbooks. That ratio increased to 4 to 4.5 times when the percent of pages mentioning women were taken into account. The latent content analysis, which assessed the tone of each sentence, revealed that men and women were generally treated neutrally when compared with one another in all of the textbooks studied—thus strengthening the substantive significance of the aforementioned ratios. Further analyses conducted for Hypothesis 4, however, revealed that in the regular and AP textbooks studied, female role models were mentioned both less often and less strongly than were male role models.

Objective. Both the civic education literature and the political ambition literature leave a gap in addressing the impact of political science coursework on political ambition. I address this gap by specifying the relationships between civic education, political knowledge, and political ambition. Methods. I employ paired t tests, chi-square tests, and Fisher's exact probability tests on an original dataset of 174 paired pre- and post-test survey responses. My survey improves upon prior works in the ambition literature (Fox and Lawless 2013) by virtue of its field experiment design. Results. My findings indicate that political science coursework has a positive impact on political knowledge, but only among women, and that political science coursework has a negative impact (among women) on one of the most valid measures of political ambition—how likely one is to run for office in the future. Conclusions/Implications. The results have negative normative implications for those trying to use political education as an instrument to reduce the gender gap (see Lawless and Fox 2010, Fox and Lawless 2013) in political ambition. This suggests the need to explore further options for increasing political ambition, particularly among women.