Through a combination of understanding dehumanization and the killing that results from it, one should be able to understand the reason why dehumanization comes about. Mental, cultural, and linguistic backgrounds must be understood to see how dehumanization is a complex process that requires all three factors to be effective. This requires understanding how the human mind works and the social systems that form once communities are formed. Ideas such as pseudospecies and essences are created to add legitimacy to this social distancing as language is also implemented to further separate one’s group from others. With this understood, one can find examples throughout history as one group battles another. The best examples come from soldier’s as they talk about their experiences in war. This involves understanding that war is not how it is portrayed in media. Killing is something that goes against human nature and it requires great strength to accept taking another’s life. Along with this, it is a much more complex process where killing is not always the ultimate goal. It is a more communal effort of acting as a group so that the opposing army flees or surrenders. This does not always work and sometimes killing is an inevitability. Now, not all killing is the same as there are “distances” that make some forms of killing more acceptable than others. This is combined with a soldier’s conditioning and drills so that they can overcome this initial fear of killing. It is a slippery slope however, as dehumanization and killing can lead to greater atrocities as people abuse the power they are trusted with.

On October 28, 1922, Benito Mussolini and his Fascist Party marched on Rome. A reactionary political movement with a nebulous ideology, the Fascists gained power the following day when King Victor Emmanuel III appointed Mussolini as Prime Minister. Over the following decade, generic fascist movements would rise all over Europe, most prominently in Germany with the Nazi Party, and in Austria, Romania, Hungary, and Spain. Minor movements would appear in a great number of other European countries, including France, Great Britain, Portugal, and Greece. Most studies of fascism and totalitarianism look at those ideologies as a primarily European phenomenon, thereby overlooking the numerous fascist movements that appeared simultaneously in the United States. American historians similarly tend to downplay the role of fascism in United States history, relegating such groups and their “paranoid style” to the lunatic fringe of the political spectrum.
American fascist groups, while varied in motives, methods, and vision of a future society, recruited hundreds of thousands of members in the interwar years from either specific ethnic and immigrant groups or from among “native” Americans. Though most of these groups evaporated following the American entry into the Second World War and thus never came close to achieving any of their wide-ranging political goals, much of their literature and ideology exists and continues to be diffused among present-day members of the far right.
This study seeks to place American fascist movements within the context of their own time, as having emerged alongside European fascism from the same cultural antecedents. In doing so, this study analyzes three of the largest “native” American fascist groups – the Black Legion, the Silver Shirts, and the Christian Front – and applies a theoretical model of fascism for comparison to generic European fascist movements. The thesis argues that in viewing fascism as the end result of a “cultural phenomenon,” as historian Zeev Sternhell has argued regarding European fascism, American fascism can similarly be seen as the culmination of several cultural, social, and intellectual antecedents rather than an obscure political aberration. By measuring the significance of American fascist movements only by their (lack of) political effectiveness, historians have overlooked many of the broader implications of such groups not only having existed but also having gained such a large following of adherents.

Forced pregnancy has been and remains a tactic of implementing genocide and inflicting long-lasting damage on a population. Forced marriages during the Cambodian genocide (1975-1979) and rape camps established during the Bosnian genocide (1992-1995) are two of many ways in which forced pregnancies can be implemented. This comparative study has identified social constructs within Bosnian and Cambodian cultures that allowed forced pregnancy to impact these populations. In the context of the Cambodian genocide, the Khmer Rouge implemented forced marriages in order to reproduce an agricultural labor force that would sustain the state of Democratic Kampuchea without foreign aid. The cultural construct of marriage promoted childbearing and sustained these marriages even after the fall of the Khmer Rouge regime. The Bosnian genocide, on the other hand, was an ethnic cleansing against Bosnian Muslims. Serbian forces established rape camps to impregnate Bosnian Muslim women in order to stigmatize them to the extent that they would (culturally) no longer be able to bear children for their own ethnic community. The cultural constructs of virginity and patrilineal descent acted as key factors in the effectiveness of forced pregnancy as a method of ethnic cleansing. While Bosnian Muslim rape camp survivors faced stigma for having been raped and for keeping their children if they chose to, Cambodian survivors would not. Cambodian women faced social expectations to stay in their marriages and keep their children in order to fulfill their duties as wives and mothers. In Bosnia, however, no social construct existed to support children born outside of marriage. In addition to these cultural constructs, various other factors influenced survivors' attitudes towards their children, including the presence of third party rapists in the Cambodian genocide and the fact that many Bosnian Muslim survivors did not know the identity of the father of their children. Comparative analysis of these two genocides has contributed to a more holistic understanding of the impacts of genocide and has informed how forced pregnancy operates across multiple cultural ideologies and lifestyles.

This thesis and creative project consists of two components. The first is a written analysis of Bosnian identity. It uses primary and secondary sources to get to the question of what it means to be a Bosnian. Readers can expect to learn about the last century and a half of Bosnian history, and how various leaders and experiences have molded the Bosnian people. The work is the combination of six months of research, and four months of writing. I chose this research as I am Bosnian and wanted to learn more about my culture. Through my research, I found that there is a strong Bosnian identity among people. This identity has been present throughout history, even through wars and political turmoil. Ultimately, the writing portion gives readers a background on Bosnian history, and then focuses on the history of identity. The second portion of the project is a two week unit lesson on Yugoslavian history. This lesson includes background on the region, as well as a guide on how an educator may choose to teach this region of the world. The lessons focus primarily on the last one hundred years, but they also include a broader overview of times prior to this. Not only this, but this section includes PowerPoints, lessons, and supplemental readings. The unit can be taught all together, or it can be broken down and lessons can be taken and taught during the time period they apply to. The goal of the two projects is to come together as one. Educators who are unsure about Bosnia can use the writing portion to gain more knowledge, and they can even assign this portion as a reading for more gifted students. The thesis project ultimately explores Yugoslavian and Bosnian history. Although the Unit does not directly align with identity, it does show students that identity plays a major role in this region, especially through the song lesson on day three. The goal of this project was not only to allow myself to gain more knowledge about this region, but to give educators the opportunity to teach a part of the world that is rarely taught in greater detail.

The thesis I have written aims to investigate the underlying reasons why France has considered Islam as unassimilable and why it has targeted Muslim women’s bodies to force assimilation. In the first section of the thesis, I examine the colonial relationship between France and Algeria. I conclude that Algeria’s independence from France significantly influenced the negative treatment towards immigrants in postcolonial France. I then study the racist discourse that dominated French politics in the 1980s; and clarify how this has laid the foundation for the first attempt to ban the headscarves in public schools during the 1980s. The final section explores the 2004 ban on conspicuous religious symbols, a ban that significantly targeted the headscarf. I conclude that the prohibition of the headscarf undermined the rights of Muslim women and symbolized France’s inability to accept Islam, since France feared Islam’s visibility weakened a dominant French identity.