This study examines the flaked-stone economy at the Epiclassic site of Los Mogotes, located north of the Basin of Mexico in central Mexico. Chert and obsidian artifacts were classified based on form and material in order to examine the nature of the regional lithic economy during this time. The findings suggest that the inhabitants of Los Mogotes were not primary producers of obsidian tools but were dependent on long-distance exchange for already manufactured goods. This pattern contrasts with evidence of primary production using more locally available chert. Despite being closer to high quality obsidian sources in Pachuca, Hidalgo, Los Mogotes relied on gray obsidian from sources located farther away (such as Ucareo, Michoacan). These findings conform to broader regional trends observed at contemporaneous sites during this time. Our interpretations focus on how the broader political economy shaped access to resources and the institutions necessary for their distribution.

Understanding the resilience of water management systems is critical for the continued existence and growth of communities today, in urban and rural contexts alike. In recent years, many studies have evaluated long-term human-environmental interactions related to water management across the world, highlighting both resilient systems and those that eventually succumb to their vulnerabilities. To understand the multitude of factors impacting resilience, scholars often use the concept of adaptive capacity. Adaptive capacity is the ability of actors in a system to make adaptations in anticipation of and in response to change to minimize potential negative impacts.

In this three-paper dissertation, I evaluate the adaptive capacity of the water management systems of two medieval Khmer cities, located in present-day Cambodia, over the course of centuries. Angkor was the capital of the Khmer Empire for over 600 years (9 th -15 th centuries CE), except for one brief period when the capital was relocated to Koh Ker (921 – 944 CE). These cities both have massive water management systems that provide a comparative context for studying resilience; while Angkor thrived for hundreds of years, Koh Ker was occupied as the capital of the empire for a relatively short period. In the first paper, I trace the chronological and spatial development of two types of settlement patterns (epicenters and lower-density temple-reservoir settlement units) at Angkor in relation to state-sponsored hydraulic infrastructure. In the second and third papers, I conduct a diachronic analysis using empirical data for the adaptive capacity of the water management systems at both cities. The results suggest that adaptive capacity is useful for identifying causal factors in the resilience and failures of systems over the long term. The case studies also demonstrate the importance and warn of the danger of large centralized water management features.

This thesis is a study of long distance exchange by the people of Chaco Canyon and the Mimbres Valley, New Mexico. Chaco Canyon region lies within the northwestern corner of present day New Mexico. Chaco Canyon belongs to the broader ancestral Puebloan region of the U.S. Southwest. With its rise to prominence in the early 900s CE, Chaco Canyon was a major cultural center before European contact. Almost exactly south of Chaco Canyon in New Mexico lies the Mimbres region. Mimbres is a sub-classification within the broader Mogollon culture. Although both smaller in size and not quite as extensively studied as Chaco culture, the Mimbres region was important in its own right. Mimbres culture is considered to have it beginnings as a cohesive unit beginning around 825-850 CE with Three-Circle phase during the Late Pithouse period. Although Chaco Canyon and the Mimbres Valley are not thought to be well connected either through trade or culture, there is no denying that the contemporaneous dating of the occupations, and in particular their collapse at the same time, around 1130-1150 CE, speaks to the possibility of common forces working on both regions. The goal of this thesis is to see if the long-distance exchange of valued objects in both regions indicates parallel cultural responses between the two to distant external conditions, particularly in Mesoamerica. Does the growth and decline in procurement of these objects imply similar dynamics to the occupational histories of the two regions over time? The answers to these questions, which are compared to expectations based on distance to sources and the relative social power, may ultimately aid the understanding of a seemingly paradoxical interregional relationship and why two highly independent regions experienced simultaneous collapse. Separated by some 550 km, Chaco Canyon and the Mimbres region still have much to reveal about the nuances of their relationship with one other.

During the current excavations at Calixtlahuaca, many aspects of its urban landscape have been uncovered. By using these details, my objective is to determine the political environment of the site. However, in Mesoamerican archaeology, there has been little evaluation of the politics in smaller city-states as compared to larger ones such as Tenochtitlan. In order to solve this dilemma, I compared Calixtlahuaca to two groups of Mesoamerican capital cities: (1) city-state centers such as Cholula, Tlaxcallan, various Aztec city-states; and (2) hillside sites similar to Calixtlahuaca in topographic placement. The importance of certain elements in these sites is more heavily considered than others and sites that have pre-existing knowledge about their political systems took precedence. By comparing urban aspects of these sites including location, population, density, urban layout, and urban architecture, I have created a model that relates urban form to political organization. I applied this model to infer the political organization of Calixtlahuaca. This model can later be applied throughout Mesoamerica and eventually to sites at other regions.

The Mimbres tradition of southwestern New Mexico, underwent what can be characterized as continuity with change, a form of non-collapse transformation, from the Late Pithouse (ca. 550-1000 CE) to Classic (ca. 1000-1130 CE) period. Both transitions are characterized by large-scale shifts in housing, settlement patterns, pottery, and mortuary customs.The goal of this thesis is to evaluate changes in the intrasite and inter-site frequencies of selected nonlocal items in Mimbres burial contexts dating to the Late Pithouse and Classic periods. Because those living in the Mimbres region seem to have dramatically changed the ways in which they lived and expressed their social identities it is reasonable to assume that their mortuary use of these high-value objects might have also transformed.

This thesis examines the grinding stone fragments found at the archaeological sites of Calixtlahuaca, Yautepec, Cuexcomate and Capilco; the first in the Toluca Valley, and the latter three from the state of Morelos, all in Mexico. General patterns in grinding stone distribution within and between the sites are explored and an analysis comparing the porosity of stones to imported ceramics (as a wealth index) is attempted. Within the grinding stone assemblage, there is some suggestion that the Aztec conquest may have impacted artifact morphology and distribution, likely as a result of increasing resource obligations due to tribute or growing populations.

This dissertation develops a multidimensional approach to examine the ways in which people in small-scale societies create, perpetuate, justify, and overcome social inequality. Inequality can exist within a number of independent domains, some of which are likely to be subtle and dissimilar from those familiar to Western society. The advantages and disadvantages of inequality can shift between various groups and across social scales. Recent ethnographic work suggest that the most common domain of inequality in small-scale societies may involve status accrued to founding lineages. This hypothesis is examined in relation to four additional domains, each inspired by ethnographic data from indigenous groups of the U.S. Southwest: differential access to productive resources, ritual knowledge and practice, nonlocal objects and styles, and material wealth. Analyses are carried out with data from seven archaeological sites in the Mimbres region of southwestern New Mexico, spanning a period from approximately 250 to 1130 C.E. Results show that inequality was present throughout the Mimbres archaeological sequence but that it shifted over time, across space and social scales, and varied in magnitude in non-directional ways. Results also identify persistent factionalism wherein groups vied for moral authority based on differences in residential antecedence and justified via religious differences. Insight from this research benefits the social sciences by developing a number of methodological approaches, particularly to the archaeological study of primacy and antecedence, by demonstrating the necessity of a nuanced, multi-faceted approach to inequality, and by revealing the complex and plastic nature of inequality.

Anthropological attention to landscapes has revealed them to be more than where people subsist: landscapes are inherently social entities. People create landscapes in their interactions with the environment and each other. People conceptualize, or imbue the landscape with meaning such that given places serve to impart cultural knowledge, identity, and social order. The link between people and their landscape thus underscores the importance of a landscape focus in the attempt to understand people. Furthermore, as a product of cultural behavior, the landscape constitutes a form of material culture that may be marked in ways that are consistent with how it is conceptualized. The material dimension of people's relationship with their landscape renders it a fruitful focus of archaeological inquiry. The main goal of this study is to identify how the Wixárika of Jalisco, Mexico, conceptualize the landscape, and to assess its relevance to understanding the ancient past. As adherents of a Mesoamerican tradition, the Wixárika offer a distinctive perspective on the landscape, and one with potential to elucidate the ancient past.

Given that a major share of a society's culturally significant cognitive features is expressed most productively by means of language, in this study I rely on aspects of language to ascertain Wixárika landscape conceptualization and materialization. Through the linguistic analysis of placenames and place-talk, I determine the meanings with which the Wixárika landscape is imbued. Through the analysis of the utterance of placenames, I provide examples of how the landscape is instilled with meaning. Utilizing native terminology, I characterize the content of the Wixárika landscape, and describe the process, in terms of movements, whereby the landscape is actualized.

Results indicate that the Wixárika conceptualize their landscape in diverse ways, including as a dwelling, a repository of memories, and a source of identity. The process and manifestation of Wixárika landscape conceptualization yield insights pertinent to understanding ancient landscapes, especially with regard to content and scope. This study is significant in that it represents the landscape from an indigenous perspective. It also sheds light on the construction of a living landscape, and thus is a useful framework for contemplating the past.