The perception that homosexuality is an immoral affliction and an innovation from Western cultures is prevalent throughout Africa, specifically in six case countries: Togo, Nigeria, Senegal, Uganda, Zimbabwe, and Namibia. This thesis seeks to demonstrate that homophobia, not homosexuality, is the true Western import. Additionally, it will analyze the background and colonial histories of my six dossier countries, their current laws surrounding LGBT+ rights, the social and legal repercussions of being LGBT+, and the consequences of state-sponsored homophobia in terms of justice, international law, and the future of each country. Based on my research, all these case countries use colonial-era provisions, penal codes, and religious norms to discriminate against homosexuals, which operate under legally-mandated “morality,” a notion inherently subjective. Additionally, the most targeted groups are gay men and transgender people, while lesbians and bisexual women are rarely targeted and convicted compared to homosexual men. This is due to various social, legal, and religious factors regarding the high importance of patriarchy and masculinity. Ultimately, this thesis concludes that European colonization in Togo, Nigeria, Senegal, Uganda, Zimbabwe, and Namibia introduced new legal norms that persecuted pre-colonial practices of homosexuality under the guise of morality. Now, the repercussions are rampant and dangerous (especially for homosexual men and transgender people) and cannot be overcome without radical changes to local legal and social systems.

America claims liberal democracy its label, with the American dream, and the electoral fallacy idealized in American society. However, I then debunk the two fallacies: The electoral fallacy which promises democratic free choice through elections, and the fallacy of the American Dream which promises merit-based economic and social climbing within capitalism. These fallacies miss the reality that democracy requires meaningful and impactful exercise of such freedoms, and how the context of capitalism has constrained and seeks to limit this. I argue that the understanding of liberal democracy as simply the exercise of elections deemphasizes the other rights required by a liberal democracy. The negation of the meaningfulness of liberties and free choice, which is promised within a liberal democratic system leaves them open to constraints and lacking protection. I also argue that the installation of capitalism without enough regulation creates ripple effects of the wealth gap so that the power of wealth contaminates the American political system and corrupts how liberal democracy operates in America. More specifically, I present three capitalist-affected realms related to the intersection of liberal democracy and capitalism. First, I argue that capitalism widens the wealth gap and corrupts liberal democracy; elected officials need capitalists' funds to campaign and stay in power. The political freedom to vote and impact policy is limited because wealthy citizens and corporations have more influence than ordinary citizens. Second, I argue that, in the new realm of the internet, capitalists use social media and commodify personal information in order to exploit consumer demand and influence opinions about the capitalist system. Thirdly, I argue that the elite use the media as a tool of social influence for their wide reach of audience and oligopolized structure. They buy these companies to socially manipulate the opinions and behavior of consumers and advance capitalist profits, using it as a cathartic release for the public's grievances. I end with a third section, in which I propose tangible steps to restore the values of liberal democracy in America and better protect the proletariat masses and their interests. For the political concerns, I propose replacing the first-past-the-post voting system with ranked choice voting system in order to elect a representative with the greatest overall support to better represent their population of voters. I also propose greater restrictions on the amount and anonymity of campaign donations, which has been proven to lessen the power of the wealthy on the political system. Then, in order to combat the control of economic decisions by large corporations, I propose we take inspiration from the European Union’s restrictions on the collection/use of personal information: General Data Protection Regulation, Privacy Shield, and the Right to Delisting. Lastly, I advocate for larger, intangible changes to curb the overextension of capitalism’s effects and the subversion of democracy, like education that exposes the veil of American Capitalist Democracy, promotion of a level of responsibility by the privileged, and a shift of values away from profit and control/power to liberal democratic equality.

During the Spring 2022 semester, I had the opportunity to work as a legislative intern for the Arizona Department of Education. While working there, I came into contact with various issues revolving around public education. However, these issues were nothing compared to the pressing issue of Empowerment Scholarship Accounts (ESAs). ESAs allow state funding to follow a student to whichever school they choose - public schooling, private schooling, or homeschooling. The most significant debate surrounding this issue is whether or not the legislation was created with the intent to help students in their educational pursuits. I noticed that many left-leaning legislators had it in their minds that right-leaning groups supported this legislation with the intent of giving private schools public money. However, right-leaning supporters claim that ESAs are intended to assist needy students when public schools cannot meet their needs. I wanted to pursue my thesis on this topic because as an intern I always wondered which group was correct.

Identity at Play is a creative project inquiry founded in communications theory which delves into how individuals construct their identities and understanding of the world around them, specifically through engagement with Tabletop Roleplay Games. TTRPGs, as they are colloquially known, have a variety of attributes that hold a unique capacity for fostering safe identity exploration and development of the self. These attributes– both in gameplay mechanics and communities they foster– allow individuals to feel secure and safe to explore hidden parts of themselves and experiment in new perspectives. Explicitly, the project culminates in six narrated episodes of actual play content and six paired talkback sessions to debrief, creating an immersive and engaging storytelling experience for the audience that exemplifies the inquiry at hand. Over the course of the podcasting series, six participants– five players and one gamemaster– engage with the traditional TTRPG experience and grow together in their understanding of various communications theories.

Using critical disability theory, Foucauldian philosophy, phenomenology and my personal lived experience with a congenital impairment, the purpose of this paper is to explore a relatively unexplored subject, stigma against disability onset at birth, and how this manifests in inequitable U.S. electoral outcomes. The scope of the paper is mostly focused on federal U.S. elected officials for two reasons: the high visibility of the position and the ideal standards for an elected official. The U.S. candidates running for federal offices receive the most social attention, drawing from millions of Americans whose views on these candidates determine their electoral success. An analysis of disability representation at this level serves as the best indicator for the stigma held against congenital disability. Additionally, the role of an elected official embodies not just the model citizen but the archetypal human. An exploration of U.S. constituent perspectives on this role in politics suggest social norms locate congenitally disabled people in a particularly marginalized identity. Insights gained from this analysis might allow readers to restructure narrow assumptions about disabled people and what would constitute effective representation.