There is little doubt that policing is a stressful occupation. Officers must manage a variety of situations, under oftentimes less-than-ideal circumstances. While departments may provide Employee Assistance Programs or a Departmental Psychologist, there is often little support for officers to utilize these services. Certainly, the culture surrounding policing has often acted as an additional barrier for officers to seek out mental healthcare services. What is more, there is a dearth of research examining the experiences of Hispanic/Latinx police officers, as compared to their White or Black counterparts. The current project was conducted in collaboration with the Las Cruces Police Department as part of a larger series of projects. These data include self-report surveys completed by 109 officers of all ranks from within the police department in 2019. I utilized a modified version of Spielberger and colleagues (1981) Police Stress Survey, Cohen’s (1994) Perceived Stress Scale, and Reisig and Mesko’s (2009) procedural justice scale, in addition to questions regarding their personal methods of coping, knowledge of services, and willingness to access services. I examined three research questions. First, what do officers in this department identify as stressful? Second, how are the officers in this department currently coping with stress, including through both prosocial and maladaptive ways? Finally, what barriers do these officers identify to accessing mental healthcare services? Using a series of regression models, I found that officers generally ranked organizational sources of stress, such as political pressure within the department or inadequate salaries as more stressful than occupational sources of stress, such as writing traffic tickets or going to court. Additionally, while officers generally coped with stress in prosocial ways such as physical fitness or family activities, they did not access departmentally provided services. Importantly, however, these officers indicated a willingness to access specific types of services, such as educational classes or check-ups. Finally, officers predominately identified resource-related barriers, such as knowledge about services, to accessing mental healthcare services. These findings suggest that the culture within policing may be shifting to one that is less stigmatizing towards mental health services and welcome increased knowledge disbursement about such services.

Intelligence, or the “critical and substantive products that support law enforcement decision making” (Ratcliffe, 2007, p. v), is a vital component within contemporary law enforcement in the United States. It has been used in a multitude of ways to address problems with specific crimes, populations, or locations. Often, this is accomplished through an intelligence-led policing (ILP) framework. ILP frameworks encompass the utilization of intelligence and analysis to achieve “crime and harm reduction, disruption and prevention through strategic and tactical management, deployment and enforcement” (Ratcliffe, 2016, p.5). While related strategies can be incorporated within an ILP approach, attempts at adopting intelligence-led frameworks in law enforcement typically target specific crimes or are orchestrated from the top down. Patrol-driven ILP initiatives are particularly uncommon, and there have been no known evaluations of such efforts to date. This dissertation addresses this gap in the literature by analyzing and evaluating the Phoenix Police Department’s (PPD) Intelligence Officer Program (IOP). More specifically, it explores how communication and information sharing function in the program, the program's perceived value to the patrol function, and whether the program impacts officer behavior, specifically in terms of productivity and proactivity. Data for examining these three key areas originate from various sources, including surveys of three different groups of stakeholders (patrol officers, intelligence officers [IOs], and IO supervisors), Intelligence Officer Reports (IORs), executive reports from the program, and official activity data from the Crime Analysis and Research Unit (CARU). Results suggest that patrol officers and IOs are involved in communication and information sharing, and perceptions suggest that the IOP is improving these. Diverse information is shared within the program, which is also reflected by success stories that arise from it. Broadly the stakeholders examined seem to be receptive to and supportive of the IOP, with more awareness and familiarity with the program resulting in more supportive views of it. In terms of tangible measures, IOP training and resources appear to decrease both productivity and proactivity. The implications of the aforementioned findings for both practice and research are discussed.

This study is a small-n case study that inductively builds a theory of embedded autonomous social work policing. Embedded autonomous social work policing is a proposed model of social work policing that entails Master Social Work (MSW) social workers being at once embedded and trained within police departments while remaining hired, funded, and answerable to the human services bureaucracy in a locality. The main site of application of the theory of embedded autonomy to social work policing involves co-responder calls for service wherein both a social work expert and a law enforcement officer are necessitated owing to the gray i.e. potentially non-criminal or potentially criminal nature of the call for service depending on the success of de-escalation techniques or the lack thereof. The costs and benefits of the implementation of an embedded autonomous model of social work policing is inductively built through a case study analysis of three cases of social work policing involving fieldwork research. The three cases analyzed are Alexandria Police Department in Alexandria, Kentucky; Crisis Assistance Helping Out On The Streets (CAHOOTS) in Eugene, Oregon; and Crisis Avoidance Response Efforts (CARE) 7 in Tempe, Arizona.

Policing is often described as a craft in which officers develop their own working style through a process of apprenticeship and time spent handling unique citizen interactions. For police, experience is thought to be integral in nearly every facet of their role including developing suspicions, making discretionary decisions, defusing potentially dangerous situations, or using coercion. With that being said, the study of police experience itself has received scarce attention and a number of limitations are present within the work that does exist. The current study advances police research on multiple fronts. First, it centers on reframing police experience in a more precise manner, with special attention paid to identifying and detailing how shift, crime area, duty assignment, and training experiences accumulate and vary across officers. Second, it examines the impact of police work experiences on officers’ perceptions of confidence. Third, an additional qualitative approach is included to provide context for how work experiences impact officers’ confidence in performing job related tasks. Using data collected from a large metropolitan police department located in the western portion of the United States, the results add much to what is known about how police experience is acquired throughout a career and how it is related to officer self-efficacy. Independent variables such as officer tenure, the number of shifts an officer has worked in their career, the completion of additional in-service training, and duty experience were all significant predictors of increased confidence in performing different service-oriented, order-maintenance, and law enforcement tasks. To explain these findings, the officers’ qualitative responses largely focused on how exposure and repetition at handling unique situations made these experiential factors important to the development of confidence. Finally, these results are translated into a number of policy recommendations and avenues for future research.

In an era that is reliant on technology, the extent of the Fourth Amendment’s applicability to this technology has subsequently become blurred. With more information trickling out of our phones with each passing day, the amount of data accumulated by corporations is respectively growing larger. The accumulation of such information is denoted as “big data”. Big data refers to large sets of information garnered by artificial intelligence. Such data sets can contain anything from an individual’s browser history to their medical records. Through mining of this data, corporations or the government can ascertain “protected personal information” (PPI). Whether society is aware of it or not, individual data is constantly shifting hands in the digital realm. For this reason, the question of whether such information constitutes protection under the Fourth Amendment must be clarified. With society’s utter reliance on technology, it would be difficult for citizens to prevent or avoid the dissemination of their PPI through their (sometimes) inadvertent waivers of their right to keep this information private. However, the benefits derived from big data may outweigh the trepidations of individuals due to its potential for administering a predictive approach to policing.

The research problem in this project is how are police officer routines influenced by training on procedural justice and building legitimacy? This thesis analyzes the differences in activities of trained vs. non-trained officers and makes conclusions about the utility of such training methods. Written activity logs used by police officers during a hot spots policing project were transferred to a database and coded for the types of activities officers were taking part in. The data revealed that police officers trained in legitimacy and procedural justice emphasize different principles in their activities from untrained officers, and even within the trained group there were differences observed. Based off these findings, recommendations for moving forward with this training include emphasizing the principles the department would like to see them enforce and making clearer objectives part of the training.

There is demand for police reform in the United States to reduce use of force and bias, and to improve police-citizen relationships. Many believe de-escalation should be a more central feature of police training and practice. It is suggested that improving officers’ communication and conflict resolution skills will temper police-citizen interactions and reduce police use of force, and that such a change will improve citizen trust in the police. To date, however, de-escalation training has not spread widely across agencies, and de-escalation as a strategy has not been studied. Without an evidence-based understanding of these concepts, de-escalation training will proceed blindly, if at all. Accordingly, this dissertation represents one of the first empirical studies of de-escalation in police work. The author completed this study as an embedded researcher in the Spokane (WA) Police Department, and it proceeds in two parts. Part 1 was exploratory and qualitative, consisting of in-depth interviews (N=8) and a focus group (N=1) with eight highly skilled police de-escalators. These officers were nominated by peers as the best among them at de-escalating difficult encounters with citizens. The results in Part 1 explore officers’ perceptions of de-escalation and offer a definition of de-escalation as well as a description of de-escalation tactics. In Part 2, the author systematically observed the concepts developed in part 1 during 35 ride-alongs with 29 police officers, including the peer nominated officers (N=131 police-citizen encounters). This phase of the research investigated whether characteristics of officers, citizens, and situations are associated with de-escalation use, and de-escalation effectiveness. Implications from these findings are drawn for police practice, theory, and research methods. This dissertation is a launching point for empirical research on de-escalation in police work.

Intelligence, consisting of critical products that facilitate law enforcement decision-making, is a crucial component and tool in the criminal justice system. However, the ways in which intelligence is gathered and used has gone largely unevaluated, particularly at the local level of law enforcement. This thesis begins to address the sparsity of literature by investigating the Intelligence Officer function in the Phoenix Police Department. More specifically, this study explores their roles; perceptions on information they are gathering, namely reliability and validity; and their effectiveness in terms of both intelligence and case successes. Different aspects of roles and perceptions are also examined in terms of their ability to predict these outcomes. Data reflect a 22-month sample of officer reports from the Phoenix Police Department Intelligence Officer Program. Descriptive analyses suggest that Intelligence Officers typically work specific cases with varied and different natures of crime. Generally, officers seem to be confident in the information they collect in terms of reliability and validity, and also appear to be relatively successful in achieving both broad intelligence successes and more tangible case successes. However, the relationships between role and perception variables and results vary in terms of both impact and significance for each type of success. Future research is required to better understand these relationships and to continue building a foundation of knowledge on Intelligence Officer effectiveness, so their impact can be optimized.