Political and educational institutions inevitably shape one another. When the telos, the end for the sake of which a thing exists, of either is incompatible with the other, tension inevitably mounts. One of the significant sources of friction which prevents both governmental institutions and educational institutions from effectively functioning is the way in which their teloi are at odds. The political philosophy which shaped the United States comes in no small part from John Locke, but the country could not and should not attempt to implement his educational theories. I argue that attempts to do so are disastrous, and that it would ultimately be better to have pedagogical truths shape political mechanisms. I end by offering a detailed examination of two ancient sources for better educational approaches, both found in the Socratic dialogues of Plato.

The Enlightenment era in the West is traditionally referred to as the “Age of Reason” and the cradle of liberalism, which has been perhaps the dominant political ideology in the West since the eighteenth century. Philosophers such as John Locke and John Stuart Mill are credited with developing liberalism and their theories continue to be studied in terms of liberty, the social contract theory, and empiricism. While liberalism is heralded as a societal advancement in the field of philosophy, some thinkers’ actions were not consistent with their written principles. This essay investigates how John Locke was involved in the creation and perpetuation of slavery in North America, but later crafted and endorsed more liberal ideologies in his writings. This dual nature of Locke has a prominent place in academia and scholarly research. Many try to address the contradictory nature of Locke by looking to the location he had in mind when crafting his philosophies, specifically those concerning the state of nature, slavery, property rights, and empiricism. While some concepts, like slavery, seem to find him contemplating only English citizens, Locke’s reference to Indigenous Americans in his philosophical works supports the argument that the philosopher’s ideology was not necessarily written exclusively for English application. By analyzing Locke’s philosophy and his economic involvement in the Carolina colony through a postcolonial theoretical framework, this essay aims to understand the Eurocentrism of Locke and how his philosophy was applied differently across borders. Using postcolonial theory, this thesis concludes Locke was a colonialist and Western author who portrayed non-European cultures, practices, and experiences for European consumption and application.

This dissertation explores the relationship between motherhood and power in seventeenth-century England. While historians have traditionally researched the role of mothers within the family unit, this study explores the more public and discursive roles of motherhood. It argues that the various threads of discourse surrounding maternity betray a common desire to circumscribe and condemn maternal authority, as this authority was threatening to masculinity and patriarchal rule. It finds that maternity was frequently cited as harmful and dangerous; household conduct books condemned the passionate and irrational nature of maternal love and its deleterious effects upon both mother and child. Furthermore, various images of ‘unnatural motherhood’ reveal larger concerns over social disorder. Sensationalistic infanticide and monstrous birth stories in cheap print display contemporary fears of lascivious, scolding, and unregulated women who were subversive to patriarchal authority and thus threatened the social status quo. The female reproductive body similarly threatened masculinity; an analysis of midwifery manuals show that contemporary authors had to reconcile women’s reproductive power with what they believed to be an inferior corporeal body. This study ends with a discussion of the representation of mothers in published funeral sermons as these mothers were textually crafted to serve as examples of ‘good mothering,’ offering a striking comparison to the ‘unnatural mothers’ presented in other sources. Motherhood in seventeenth-century England, then, involved a great deal more than the relationship between mother and child. It was a cultural site in which power was contested, and a site in which authors expressed anxiety over the irrational female mind and the unregulated, sexual female body.

Culture played an intrinsic role in the conquest of Ireland in the sixteenth century, and the English colonial project, so often described in political and military terms, must be reexamined in this context. By examining sixteenth century spatial and literary representations of Ireland and Irish culture it becomes evident that the process described by Timothy Mitchell, called enframement, was being imposed upon the Irish. Enframement is the convergence of two aspects of power, the metaphysical and the microphysical. Metaphysical power worked through maps and literature to bring order in the conceptual realm, allowing the English to imagine Ireland as they wished it to be. Microphysical power created order in the material world, by physically changing the appearance of the landscape and people to conform to England's laws and norms. The English justified their policy of colonization by representing Ireland and Gaelic culture as wild or barbarous, and hoped to achieve their colonial ambition by physically coercing the Irish into adopting the "superior" English culture.

When the Irish continued to rebel against English rule, the colonizers began employing methods of extreme violence to subdue the Gaelic people. At the same time, they began to practice more extreme forms of cultural colonization by attacking those aspects of Gaelic culture which most resisted conformity to English standards of civility. The Gaelic legal system, called Brehon law, redistributive inheritance, cattle herding and traditional forms of Irish dress were denigrated to assert English authority over the Irish people. English fear of the negative effects of Gaelic culture were exemplified by the Anglo-Irish lords, who were originally of English descent, but had "degenerated" into Irish barbarians through the use of Gaelic culture. This retrograde process could also occurred when an English person practiced marriage, childbirth, wet-nursing or fosterage with Irish persons. These interactions, and the consequences which came from them, were often described in terms of infection and disease. Thus culture, operating on multiple levels, and how that culture was represented, became a powerful site for colonial power to operate.

This project explores the histories of the Dutch Republic and the United States during the Age of Revolutions, using as a lens the life of Francis Adrian van der Kemp. Connections between the Netherlands and the United States have been understudied in histories of the Revolutionary Atlantic. Yet the nations' political and religious histories are entwined both thematically and practically. Van der Kemp's life makes it possible to examine republicanism and liberal religion anew, as they developed and changed during the era of Atlantic revolutions. The project draws on numerous archival collections that house van der Kemp's voluminous correspondence, political and religious writings, his autobiography, and the unpublished records of the Reformed Christian Church, now the Unitarian Church of Barneveld. With his activity in both countries, van der Kemp offers a unique perspective into the continued role of the Dutch in the development of the United States. The dissertation argues that the political divisions and incomplete religious freedom that frustrated van der Kemp in the Dutch Republic similarly manifested in America. Politically, the partisanship that became the hallmark of the early American republic echoed the experiences van der Kemp had during the Patriot Revolt. While parties would eventually stabilize radical politics, the collapse of the Dutch Republic in the Atlantic world and the divisiveness of American politics in those early decades, led van der Kemp to blunt his once radically democratic opinions. Heavily influenced by John Adams, he adopted a more conservative politics of balance that guaranteed religious and civil liberty regardless of governmental structure. In the realm of religion, van der Kemp discovered that American religious freedom reflected the same begrudging acceptance that constituted Dutch religious tolerance. Van der Kemp found that even in one of the most pluralistic states, New York, his belief in the unlimited liberty of conscience remained a dissenting opinion. The democracy and individualism celebrated in early American politics were controversial in religion, given the growing authority of denominations and hierarchical church institutions.

In "Gendering Consumption," Jayne Kaiser explores the public consumption experience associated with late-nineteenth century Parisian department store within the context of the leisure travel industry. Capitalizing on increased travel abroad, the Bon Marché department store attempted to attract British and American tourists (and their money) to the store by marketing shopping as a cultural experience. The production and distribution of Souvenir booklets that mirrored the organization, content, and imagery of travel guides offered an opportunity for the Bon Marché to position the store among traditional cultural institutions. By focusing on the material and non-material experiences of men in the Bon Marché described in narratives and diaries, "Gendering Consumption" advocates for a more comprehensive and inclusive understanding of public consumption. Careful not to minimize the important role the department store played in the increasing agency of women, the author challenges historians to consider alternative spaces created by department stores as new products of masculine consumption. In an innovative approach, "Gendering Consumption" analyzes government documents to discover how American tourists used the new retailing model perfected by department stores such as the Bon Marché, to create opportunities for economic transgressions in the form of tariff fraud.