Prior research on sentencing and case processing has primarily focused on post-conviction outcomes and the relationship between sentencing outcomes and defendant- related characteristics such as race and gender. The research on pre-conviction outcomes not only is much smaller than the sentencing literature, but also largely neglects victim characteristics, especially in samples that include non-violent offenses. Drawing on the blameworthiness attribution theoretical perspective, the current study examines how certain victim characteristics, including race, gender, and criminal history, may influence certain stages of the judicial process. Additionally, the current study tests whether cases with person victims as opposed to business as victims are handled differently. Four court decisions were examined in this study: the filing decision, the decision to transfer the case to a lower court, the decision to find a defendant guilty, and the decision to sentence a defendant to prison. While legal characteristics were the most prominent predictors in these analyses, the study found that when victims were Black or Hispanic, cases were less likely to be filed and end in a guilty adjudication.

Scholars have extensively researched citizens’ preferences regarding the actions, language, and demeanors displayed by officers during citizen-police interactions. Specifically, there are a multitude of factors that can influence a citizens’ perception of such interactions as either satisfactory or unsatisfactory. What appears to be missing from the literature, however, is police officers’ understanding of citizens’ preferences for regarding factors. In other words, it is unclear if and how officers are actively attempting to interact with victims and witnesses based on actual citizen preferences or if officers do not consider these preferences during citizen interactions. This gap has important implications for officer training on citizen’s preferences due to the influence such interactions can have on citizens, specifically citizens’ physical and psychological well-being, as well as citizens’ perceptions of - and reaction to - the criminal justice system. This project examines original data collection of citizen and officer surveys regarding officers’ actions, language, and demeanors. Additionally, observations during ride-alongs are presented to expand on the current literature regarding citizen preferences during interactions with the police and to assess officers’ understanding and application of this knowledge. Results indicate that, while officers seem to understand what actions, language, and demeanors will increase citizen satisfaction, officers may believe that there exist situational factors that are more important in affecting citizen satisfaction with officers. Observations revealed that the vast majority of citizen-police interactions were positive and productive. Even so, results from the surveys and observations point to several important policy implications for improvement between officers and citizens.

Several states within the United States have recently passed the Victim Life Photo Act, which allows prosecutors to present photographs of alleged murder victims when they were alive during the guilt phase of a trial. Critics argue that these photographs do not offer any relevant information about the crime or the defendant’s potential guilt and might bias jurors to vote guilty based on their sympathy for the victim—perhaps disproportionally so for high-status victims. Two mock trial experiments tested whether online participants who viewed alleged murder victim photographs would convict more because they increase anger, disgust, fear, sadness, and/or sympathy. Mock jurors who saw photographs of White (but not racial minority) victims while they were alive reported more sympathy for the victim relative to those who saw the same evidence without a photograph of the living victim—but the sympathy did not increase convictions (Study 1). Study 2 extended this study by testing whether the living victim photographs are more impactful in conjunction with seeing gruesome photographs of the victim after her death, creating a particularly disturbing contrast effect versus seeing the living photograph alone. Study 2 found that (a) living victim photographs on their own again had no effect on participants’ verdicts, (b) gruesome photographs on their own increased convictions through increased disgust, and (c) participants who saw both living and gruesome murder victim photographs (versus gruesome alone) were more conviction prone due to increased anger and sympathy. These studies inform current debates regarding the controversial Victim Life Photo Act: Admitting living victim photographs during the guilt phase—if presented along with gruesome photographs—can make jurors more sympathetic and angry, which can increase convictions.

The purpose of this study was to create a screening tool specifically for the identification of sex trafficking victims in the medical setting through the analysis of existing human trafficking screening tool studies geared towards use in the medical setting. Screening questions from these studies were compiled and modified into a survey that was distributed to healthcare professionals through the nationwide HEAL (Health Professional Education, Advocacy, Linkage) Trafficking listserv. Each screening tool study demonstrated benefits and disadvantages that were helpful in the sampling and selection of screening tool questions. The small sample size and a lack of data on the attitudes of medical professionals on sex trafficked victims were noted as limitations to this study. Further implications for this study would include validating the screening tool questions in a medical setting to determine the sensitivity of the survey in identifying patients as possible sex trafficking victims.

Domestic violence comes in a variety of forms along with multiple terms and definitions. Domestic violence can seep into a relationship like a plague if a young, adolescent girl is not aware of the signs. Unfortunately, many young girls in abusive relationships are unaware of how to prevent the abusive behavior from continuing since the girls are overall unaware of the warning signs. One study of 146 teenage girls in which 44% of the girls chose to respond passively when given a hypothetical scenario of an abusive event (Murphy and Smith 13). Through novels and media, young girls are led to believe that it is appropriate to be treated poorly by young boys. One study of eight young adult novels was conducted and demonstrated just how teen romance novels can negatively influence a young girl's perception of Teen Dating Violence (Storer and Strohl 7). As the young girls get older, the idea that abuse is acceptable becomes solidified in their heads. Many women face multiple forms of abuse, such as more than half of 1,401 women in a study by Coker et al. (2000) were experiencing some form of abuse (553). Specifically, a National Violence Against Women Survey was conducted and 59% of the victims, who were stalked by current partners, were at a higher risk to experience psychological abuse by their assailant (Tjaden and Thoennes "Stalking" 6,11). The abuse often leads to the victim having mental health problems such as Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (Golding 126). Women in abusive relationships have a greater chance of having a poorer quality of life (Tollestrup et al. 431). Nevertheless, leaving an abusive relationship is very difficult to do since many women have a bias that their risk is not as high as another woman who is in the same predicament (Martin et al. 109). To make matters worse, half of all women who do leave end up returning to their abusive partner (Strube "Decision" 238). It has been discovered that if there are few resources available to the victim, she will stay with her abusive partner (Gelles 667). Other key factors that play an important role in if the victim stays, include economic issues and love for the abuser (Strube and Barbour "Factors" 840), or a lack of support from friends and family (Landenburger 703). Fortunately, 61 of 98 women in a study left their abusive partner, which could have been due to the fact that 57.1% of the 98 women had employment (Strube and Barbour "Decision" 788). Women may also have trouble leaving due to entrapment in which the victim justifies all investments of time and money to make the abuser happy (Strube "Decisions" 241). Entrapment can also be related to learned helplessness in which the victim lacks the motivation to make change (242). While a woman is in the relationship, she may experience the responses to dissatisfaction, which include: exit, voice, loyalty, and neglect (Rusbult et al. "Exit" 1231). In addition, the woman may encounter the four coping styles which are: self-punishing, aggressive, early disengagement, and reluctant mid-life disengagement responses (Pfouts 102). Although the woman may experience these responses, she may have difficulty leaving the abusive relationship since she may think that the consequences of leaving are more detrimental than what they actually are (Strube "Decision" 241). College women are also at risk for being in abusive relationships as 20% to 30% experience abuse (Shorey et al. 187). However, college women have a high rate of leaving the abusive relationship since they may have more resources than a woman who is dependent economically on her abuser (Edwards et al. 2920). College women also experience high levels of revenge rather than forgiveness (Davidson et al. 3217). Fortunately, there is light at the end of the tunnel. Many women experience growth from such a traumatic experience. This growth can be developing strength and healthier relationships in the future (McMillen and Fisher 173). In fact, one study by Richard Tedeschi and Lawrence G. Calhoun (1995) was referred to by Patricia Frazier et al. (2001). The study concluded that 50% to 60% of women across multiple studies experienced growth (1048). In the end, those who forgive will have less anxiety and depression (Thompson et al. 313). In order to alleviate the occurrence of domestic abuse, preventative measures should begin with adolescents. These young girls must first develop skills to be assertive before entering a relationship. Support groups and shelters should be widespread, and stricter laws should be enforced that result in negative consequences for those who break them. Education should include women learning about the warning signs of abuse as well as classes for parents to teach them how domestic violence can impact their teenage children. Health education should also include teaching children about what a healthy relationship should consist of. In addition, many health care providers do not screen women for abuse (Smith et al. 4), which means that medical professionals should screen better for abuse and intervene if necessary. As for law enforcement, they should be better trained in how to be sensitive and deal with women who are being abused. As for me, during my teenage years my significant other abused me. However, I chose to end the cycle. I was young and read many young romance novels, listened to music that portrayed women in a poor light, and thus, fell for the bad boy that I would always hear about in music, or read about in books. I knew very little about relationships, and so I was a perfect target. I knew even less of the warning signs as I was not taught about them in school, and I did not grow up in a household that demonstrated any abuse. That being said, I thought that all people were innately good. My perpetrator, on the other hand, grew up drastically different than I did since he has seen his mother get brutally beaten multiple times by many men who came and went in her life. In the end, I learned to forgive and move on. Today, I choose to share my story to raise awareness of the fact that I am not the only one who is a victim. Domestic violence is growing among the youth, and I would like to put an end to this epidemic by presenting empirical data from studies followed by my own personal story.

Abstract Knit Together: Craft, Community, and Victims of Domestic Violence Allison Miller Domestic violence shelters play a major role in victim's pathway to survivorship. Through an account of what constitutes domestic violence, who experiences domestic violence, data accumulated on domestic violence, and overview of domestic violence shelters and programs, and a snapshot view of a local domestic violence shelter in Phoenix, Arizona, this paper seeks to define and address the gaps in research involving victim's roads to survivorship, specifically as they involve community building, empowerment, and avenues for stress release. Finally, the project records the researcher's experiences and observations of a knitting and crochet group established in the local shelter.

A between-subjects online survey was conducted to explore the extent to which female victims of kidnapping crimes are blamed for the crimes committed against them and why. Scenarios involving victims aged 8 years old and 30 years old were constructed using various routes of escape. Routes of escape included a control condition in which it was not clear whether or not the victim would have escaped given the opportunity, a condition in which the victim had a clear opportunity to escape and took it, a condition in which the victim had a clear opportunity to escape and chose not to take it, and a condition in which the victim did not have an opportunity to escape. The results of the study demonstrated that the 30-year old kidnapping victim was consistently blamed more than the 8-year old victim. These victim blame measurements were exacerbated when the participant maintains a high belief in a fair and just world. A second study was constructed to determine if the victim's actions preceding the kidnapping influence victim blame attributions, and to determine if providing additional details on the victim's mindset or intentions to escape would affect the amount of blame attributed.