Urban planning in the neoliberal era is marred by a lack of public engagement with urban inhabitants. Henri Lefebvre’s ‘right to the city’ theory is often treated as a way to empower disenfranchised urban inhabitants who are lacking control over the urban spaces they occupy. Though the right to the city has seen a resurgence in recent literature, we still lack a deep understanding of how right to the city movements work in practice, and what the process looks like through the lens of the everyday urban inhabitant. This dissertation seeks to fill these gaps by examining: 1) how a minority-led grassroots movement activates their right to the city in the face of an incoming light rail extension project in South Phoenix, Arizona, USA, and 2) how their right to the city movement demonstrates the possibility of urban society beyond the current control of neoliberalism. Through the use of participant observation, interviews, and media analysis, this case reveals the methods and tactics used by the group to activate their right to the city, the intra-and inter-group dynamics in the case, and the challenges that ultimately lead to the group’s demise.Tactics used by the group included protesting, organizing against city council, and creating a ballot initiative. Intra-group dynamics were often marred by conflicts over leadership and the acceptance of outside help, while inter-group conflicts erupted between the group, politicians, and pro-light rail supporters. The primary challenge to the group’s right to the city movement included neoliberal appropriation by local politicians and outside political group. By possessing limited experience, knowledge, and resources in conducting a right to the city movement, the grassroots group in this case was left asking for help from neoliberal supporters who used their funding as a way to appropriate the urban inhabitant’s movement. Findings indicate positive possibilities of a future urban society outside of neoliberalism through autogestion, and provide areas where urban planners can improve upon the right to the city. If urban planners seek out and nurture instances of the right to the city, urban inhabitants will have greater control over planning projects that effect their neighborhoods.

Two large sectors of water consumption within cities are: city owned irrigated landscape (such as parks) and household consumption. A related, third sector of consumption that has very little research behind it is shared landscapes in residential communities. Neighborhood communities, including those with formal Homeowner’s Associations and informal Neighborhood Associations, have common landscapes they are responsible for up-keeping and irrigating. 208 neighborhood communities exist within the City of Tempe. Each year the city provides $30,000 in grant funding to these 208 neighborhoods to implement water conservation projects. This thesis focuses on ten neighborhoods who had applied and were granted funding to implement a conservation project between the years 2011 and 2016. My findings showed that this program has not been effective in reducing water consumption, wither due to the lack of implementation or the small-scale of the projects. From my research and synthesis, I suggest a layer of accountability be added to the program to ensure projects are effective and participants are implementing their projects and that the program is effective overall. This study provides the City of Tempe with relevant and viable information to aid management of water consumption and conservation within neighborhoods.

From 2007 to 2017, the state of California experienced two major droughts that required significant governmental action to decrease urban water demand. The purpose of this project is to isolate and explore the effects of these policy changes on water use during and after these droughts, and to see how these policies interact with hydroclimatic variability. As explanatory variables in multiple linear regression (MLR) models, water use policies were found to be significant at both the zip code and city levels. Policies that specifically target behavioral changes were significant mathematical drivers of water use in city-level models. Policy data was aggregated into a timeline and coded based on categories including user type, whether the policy was voluntary or mandatory, the targeted water use type, and whether the change in question concerns active or passive conservation. The analyzed policies include but are not limited to state drought declarations, regulatory municipal ordinances, and incentive programs for household appliances. Spatial averages of available hydroclimatic data have been computed and validated using inverse distance weighting methods. The data was aggregated at the zip code level to be comparable to the available water use data for use in MLR models. Factors already known to affect water use, such as temperature, precipitation, income, and water stress, were brought into the MLR models as explanatory variables. After controlling for these factors, the timeline policies were brought into the model as coded variables to test their effect on water demand during the years 2000-2017. Clearly identifying which policy traits are effective will inform future policymaking in cities aiming to conserve water. The findings suggest that drought-related policies impact per capita urban water use. The results of the city level MLR models indicate that implementation of mandatory policies that target water use behaviors effectively reduce water use. Temperature, income, unemployment, and the WaSSI were also observed to be mathematical drivers of water use. Interaction effects between policies and the WaSSI were statistically significant at both model scales.

For the last 10 years, the American Southwest has been experiencing the most persistent drought conditions on record. Based on future climactic predictions, there is a dire need to reduce water usage within Phoenix. An environmentally responsible behavior such as low water use landscaping (xeriscaping), has been shown to reduce household water consumption by 40%-70%. While much is known regarding the relationship between socio-demographics and xeriscaping choices, the influence of other variables remains to be explored. Using data from the 2017 Phoenix Area Social Survey, this study investigates the influence of two additional variables - ecological worldview and place identity on xeriscaping choice. Data was analyzed using two models - Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) and Linear Probability Model (LPM). Ecological worldview and place identity, along with income, ethnicity, and gender, were all found to be positively related to xeriscape preference. Additionally, when compared to the LPM, the traditional OLS was found to still be the most robust and appropriate model when measuring landscape preference. Finally, results suggested that programs to foster identity with the local desert mountain parks may help to increase xeriscaping in the Valley and thus lower residential water use.

As arid cities’ water scarcity concerns grow, so does the importance of residential water conservation. Understanding the drivers of participation in water conservation programs can aid policymakers in designing programs that achieve conservation and enrollment targets while achieving cost-effectiveness and distributional goals. In this study I identify and analyze the characteristics that drive participation in the Southern Nevada Water Authority’s Water Smart Landscaping rebate program – a program that pays homeowners to replace their grass lawns with xeric landscaping – and how those characteristics change over time as rebate values and water prices vary.

In order to determine what characteristics influence participation in this program I gathered data from multiple sources. I use a panel dataset of household water consumption that spans 12 years of approximately 300,000 homes. I merged this dataset with home structural characteristics, geographical, and demographic context. I then use these characteristics in a linear probability model, with school enrollment zone fixed effects to determine their influence on a household’s probability of participation. School zones are used to control for unobserved characteristics, such as demographics, which are not at a household level. I then utilize these school zone fixed effects in a 2nd stage regression to decompose these elements and analyze their effect on participation.

I find that a household’s water costs, as reflected in the marginal price faced in the summer and the differential between summer and winter water bills, as well as yard size are primary factors that influence participation. I also show that changes in rebate value and water rates can affect different types of households. There is also evidence to support that neighborhood characteristics affect a household’s likelihood of participating.

On the Arizona-Sonora border, more than 3,000 bodies have been recovered in the 21st century as a result of a fatal government policy that forced migrants into the desert rather than crossing in urban corridors. Humanitarian aid organizations are stretched across thousands of square miles with virtually no resources, particularly in the Cabeza Prieta National Wildlife Refuge (Cabeza Prieta), a deadly wildlife refuge in Arizona's West Desert. A lot is unknown about the West Desert, particularly from a human rights perspective of trying to strategize the distribution of humanitarian aid. One question is of particular importance, where does water already exist in Cabeza Prieta, and what is the quality of that water? In this paper, I will discuss the process of surveying water sources in Cabeza Prieta, display photos and maps to convey what I've learned from my fieldwork, and finally, discuss my findings and delve into a geographical analysis, focusing on the relation between human remains recovery sites and water sources.

As the move towards sustainable urbanism grows, understanding how the city has previously been envisioned and designed will be useful to moving forward. This work examines the legacy of urban design theories, what these theories have implied about what the city should be, and their sustainability consequences. Noticing three prominent urban design visions of the city, the technological city (as proposed in 1922 by Le Corbusier's Ville contemporaine and later in 1933 by his Ville Radieuse (The Radiant City), and in 1935 by Frank Lloyd Wright's' Broadacre City), the social city (as explored in 1961 by Jane Jacobs and in 1976 by Edward Relph of the University of Chicago), and the ecological city (as expounded upon in 1924 by both Lewis Mumford and in 1969 by Ian McHarg), I have newly applied the social-ecological-technical systems framework (SETS) to help classify and analyze these urban design theories and how they have mixed to create hybrid perspectives in more recent urban design theory. Lastly, I have proposed an urban design theory that envisions the sustainable city as an ongoing process. Hopefully, this vision that will hopefully be useful to the future of sustainable development in cities, as will a more organized understanding of urban design theories and their sustainability outcomes.

In today's world, critical thinking and using a systems approach to problem solving are skills that are far too rare. In the age of information, the truth has become muddled by "fake news" and a constant barrage of exaggerations or blatant falsehoods. Without critical thinking skills, "many members of our society do not command the scientific literacy necessary to address important societal issues and concerns" (NCES 2012, p.11). Additionally, far too many people are incapable of thinking long term and understanding how their actions affect others. Because of this shortsightedness our world is facing one of its biggest ecological crises \u2014 global warming confounded by overpopulation and overconsumption. Now, more than ever, it is critical "for our young people to have a basic understanding of the relevant scientific ideas, technologies and ethical issues and powers of reasoning, to be prepared to face these issues" (Harlen et al., 2015). I believe that investigating innovative ways to teach ecology could be an important step to accomplishing this. Learning to think like a scientist forces people to rely on facts, follow similar protocols to deduce these facts, and be able to think critically about misleading events. More specifically, ecology education will allow people to develop those skills while also learning about team work, open-mindedness, and their environment. Ecology is defined as "the branch of biology that deals with the relations of organisms to one another and to their physical surroundings" (Dictionary.com, 2018). It is clear that this subcategory of science could act as a powerful introduction to the scientific world and how we relate to it. Its introduction at a young age has the potential to create a generation of conscientious and curious lifelong learners. In an attempt to support effective ways to teach ecology, I developed an educational unit and applied it in different educational contexts. My target audience was elementary aged students and I tested this unit with children in Phoenix Metropolitan Area afterschool programs. I taught core concepts of ecology \u2014 the water cycle, the sun's energy, plants and photosynthesis, and food webs \u2014in a sequence of lesson plans that build upon each other. Finally, I determined the appropriate age group and setting for these lesson plans through research and in-class observations. In this document, I explain the process I went through in developing my lesson plans, why I felt compelled to make them, and my experiences in implementing them.

The ecological benefits provided by trees include improving air quality (Nowak, et. al., 2006), mitigating climate change by sequestering carbon (Nowak, 1993), providing animal habitats (Livingston, et. al., 2003), and reducing heat (Edmonson, 2016), among others. Trees also provide numerous social benefits, impacting urban sustainability in particular by improving human health (Salmond, 2016), aesthetically and economically improving neighborhoods (Torres, 2012), and contributing to thriving communities by creating gathering spaces and even reducing crime (Abraham, et. al., 2010). Because of the tremendous potential of trees to provide social and ecological services, particularly in urban areas, tree planting has become an important facet of many sustainability initiatives. This thesis assesses one such initiative aimed at planting trees for the diverse benefits they provide. Valley Permaculture Alliance (VPA), a nonprofit based in Phoenix, Arizona, is known for its Shade Tree Program. The author conducted an internal, quantitative assessment of the program between August and December of 2015. The assessment included evaluation of several indicators of ecological and community health related to the presence of shade trees, culminating in a report released in 2016. This paper evaluates the use of sustainability indicators in the VPA assessment as well as their value in different types of organizations. It culminates with an assessment of VPA's strengths, challenges faced by the organization, and suggestions for its future development.

Pima was not the original name for the tribe of the Native Americans that lived along the Gila River, but their name is only one of many changes this tribe has faced due to the influence of outside sources. Pima was a name given to this tribe by the Spaniards during the 1600s. Throughout history the Pima have fought not only for their rights as a nation, but also for the rights of their beloved river, the Gila River. The relationship between the Pima tribe and Gila River is a very strong and deep connection. In fact, the Pima call themselves A-a'tam, which means "the people," and they identify with the Papago, a historical name for the Indians in the Sonoran Desert. A'kimult, which means "river" was added to their name as well. Being known as the River People may fit perfectly with this tribe due to their close knit and respectful relationship with the river over the decades (Russell, "The Pima Indians, 1975). Today the Pima call the Gila River Indian Community their main Tribal headquarters, which is located south of Phoenix. The Gila River Indian Community (GRIC) is part of both the Pinal and Maricopa counties and has a land area of 583.749 square miles ("Brownfields", 2010). Water deprivation and a bleak agricultural economy are challenges facing the Pima, which historically were strong in both areas. The Gila River has gone from a naturally flowing river to a restricted and nearly dried up waterbed. This research paper will examine the changes that both the Pima and the Gila River have undergone since settlers began to claim land in the late 1800's. It is my goal to look into the natural history and ecology of the Gila River and explain how this change has affected the Pima and their sustainability as a tribe. The ultimate goal is to have information easily accessible for reference for future research projects and to ] provide background information to help implement new programs and projects that will benefit the GRIC. Understanding the relationship between the Gila Valley and Pima will present areas where sustainable projects can improve the economy and society as a whole. The Native Americans who will be specifically addressed during this research are the tribes on the GRIC, which comprise the Akimel O-odham (Pima) and Pee Posh (Maricopa). These communities have a resident population of 15,084 and are located in the Maricopa and Pinal counties of central Arizona, to the south and east of metropolitan Phoenix ("Brownfields", 2010). Today the community is 372,000 acres and varies with an elevation of 935 feet to 1,450 feet ("Gila River", 2012). Literature will be the primary area of research along with informal discussions with employees of the GRIC. The Pimas' beliefs, interests, and practices will be addressed and researched; and review of the literature that deals with each problem they have faced as a result of the changing economy and society. By researching the relationship and proposing new ideas to help maintain the GRIC it will assure that the interests of the Pima are the priority. The potential that this research project can offer must encompass cultural sustainability, which is "developing, renewing and maintaining human cultures that create positive, enduring relationships with other peoples and the natural world" (Hawkes, 2001).