The influence prison staff have on experiences of incarcerated individuals is important for maintaining professional and respectful interactions. These interactions maintain the legitimacy of the institution and in turn influence responses to staff by incarcerated persons. However, correctional scholars often suggest that interactions with staff are typically not positive and ultimately contribute to the negative experiences reported by those incarcerated. Additionally, it is important to recognize that experiences may be racialized as different racial identities come with varying experiences, stigmas, and expectations. These realities leave the challenge of identifying ways to improve these interactions and subsequently the overall experience of incarceration. Acknowledging the positive interactions with staff that may go unnoticed within prisons can inform on better practices for fostering positive, professional staff-incarcerated relations. To address these positive aspects, this study thematically analyzes the responses of 200 incarcerated women to the question “tell me about your best experience with a member of staff in this prison.” Major themes were then condensed into ‘instrumental’ or ‘relational’ groups based on their connotations in order to conduct a multinomial logistic regression to predict likelihood of reporting a certain type of support based on racial identity. Results of this study contribute to an area of research that centers the humanity and complexity of interactions between staff and incarcerated women. Findings of this study have important implications for the practices that prison staff could be leveraging as means of improving the experience of incarceration.

There is a wealth of knowledge about the harmful effects of prisons. This expertise on negative experiences has resulted in a limited understanding of incarcerated people’s strengths and how prisons may be places where growth can occur. Some researchers have discovered narratives of positivity and identity reconstruction among people in prison who have described their experiences as transformative. However, there is little knowledge about the nuanced aspects of their positive experiences and less understanding about how this information can be translated into practice. The effects of age on positive experiences have also gone unexamined within this literature, despite known linkages between age and positive outcomes such as fulfillment in life and desistance from crime. Through structured interviews with 100 incarcerated women, the current study uses thematic analysis to identify themes within women’s responses to a prompt about a time they felt their best in prison and how these themes vary according to their ages. Four major themes were identified across all responses: accomplishments, personal growth, healthy relationships, and helping and supporting others. While accomplishments and personal growth remained the most common themes across responses from women of all adult life stages (i.e., young, middle, and late adulthood) the theme of helping and supporting others was more often the focus in responses from women in middle and late adulthood (ages 35-83) compared to women in young adulthood (ages 21-34). The results have important implications for taking action to identify the sources of incarcerated people’s positive experiences and provide the means to generate and reinforce them.

Social support is a powerful organizing concept in in our understanding of health, well-being, and overall positive outcomes across the life-course. As such, social support is routinely applied to the prisoner reentry context to explain the post-release outcomes of formerly incarcerated individuals. Yet, there is very little is known about what social support looks like. This is partially because past research has yet to incorporate the innovations in measurement from network science to the study of social support during reentry to understand the resources and relational structure of social support and how these influence reentry outcomes. Rooted in the methodological advancements of social capital research, this dissertation measured the ego-centric anticipated social support networks of 85 men preparing for release from prison. The first empirical chapter of this dissertation begins by describing the resources available to individuals preparing for release and by whom. Next, potential correlates of network structure, specifically network density, are explored. The final empirical chapter examines the role of network structure in moderating the role of resource availability on individual outcomes such as health, flourishing, and the use of prosocial or maladaptive coping skills. Findings demonstrate that the relationship among these variables is complex and that further empirical investigation is warranted. The implication of these findings for policy and practice, and this approach more broadly, are also discussed at length.

Participatory action research (PAR) is a methodology that emphasizes the importance and benefits of doing research with people rather than on people. A PAR approach prioritizes people-centered work that can help facilitate change within communities. Past work has utilized a PAR approach to research in corrections, but less is known about how PAR can be used as an intervention in prison. There are also certain aspects of the carceral setting which bring into question whether PAR would be as effective as it is in free communities. The current study uses data from semi-structured interviews with 200 incarcerated women in Arizona to explore whether incarcerated women perceive that including people in prison in the design and implementation of a program is going to enhance that program. Participants are presented with one of four vignettes describing a scenario in which new programs are brought to the prison. Vignettes contain a single variable measure who designed and taught the programs and had four conditions: correctional staff, incarcerated women, university researchers, or incarcerated women alongside university researchers (akin to a PAR scenario). A series of questions are asked after the scenario that measure perceptions of program quality. Results indicate mixed support for the PAR approach to programming and call for PAR researchers to be clear on the intended effects of the approach, particularly as it is applied to social change and developing programming in a prison environment.

Procedural justice serves a critical role in the interactions between criminal justice system actors and their clientele. Much of the literature in this area focuses on policing, and we know comparatively less about how procedural justice operates in corrections. Much like policing, it is likely that perceptions of correctional procedural justice vary within larger contexts. Using structured interviews with inmates (N=248) in Arizona at max, close, and medium custody, this study examines the association between conditions of confinement and perceptions of procedural justice, with a focus on how personality characteristics may modify this relationship. Results indicate that custody level does impact inmate perceptions of correctional officer procedural justice and that certain personality traits serve as protective or aggravating factors within the relationship between custody level and procedural justice. Policy implications and future research are discussed.

Contemporary research has examined the relationship between determinate sentencing reforms and unwarranted punishment disparities in states and the federal criminal justice system. Recent investigations suggest that legal developments in federal sentencing—namely, the High Court’s rulings in U.S. v. Booker (2005) and Gall/Kimbrough v. U.S. (2007) which rendered and subsequently reaffirmed the federal guidelines as advisory—have not altered disparities associated with imprisonment outcomes. Punishment disparities following Booker and Gall, particularly racial and ethnic disparities, have been linked to Assistant U.S. Attorneys’ (AUSAs) use of substantial assistance departures. What remains unanswered in the literature is whether the changes in AUSAs’ decision making following the landmark cases has enduring effects and whether the effects are conditioned by defendants’ race/ethnicity and the type of case (guidelines cases or mandatory minimum cases), and whether the use of substantial assistance varies across U.S. District Courts.

Accordingly, these questions are examined using sentencing data from the U.S. Sentencing Commission, coupled with data from the National Judicial Center, U.S. Census Bureau, Uniform Crime Reports, and Interuniversity Consortium for Political and Social Research. This study looks at 465,476 defendants convicted from fiscal year 2001 to fiscal year 2010 across 89 federal districts. A series of multilevel discontinuity regression models are estimated to assess the short-term and long-term effects of the Booker and Gall/Kimbrough decisions on AUSAs’ use of substantial assistance departures, accounting for contextual differences between federal district courts.

The results show that AUSAs are less likely to seek motions for substantial assistance immediately and in the long term in the post-Booker period but are more likely to seek substantial assistance in the long term in the post-Gall/Kimbrough period. These effects, however, are restricted to the models that include all cases and guidelines cases. The interaction models show that Hispanic defendants facing a mandatory minimum sentence are less likely to receive a substantial assistance departure immediately and in the long term following the Court’s Booker decision. Moreover, the use of substantial assistance varies across federal districts. The results are discussed in relation to their implications for theory, courts and sentencing policy, and future research on punishment outcomes.

A large body of research links victimization to various harms. Yet it remains unclear how the effects of victimization vary over the life course, or why some victims are more likely to experience negative outcomes than others. Accordingly, this study seeks to advance the literature and inform victim service interventions by examining the effects of violent victimization and social ties on multiple behavioral, psychological, and health-related outcomes across three distinct stages of the life course: adolescence, early adulthood, and adulthood. Specifically, I ask two primary questions: 1) are the consequences of victimization age-graded? And 2) are the effects of social ties in mitigating the consequences of victimization age-graded?

Existing data from Waves I (1994-1995), III (2001-2002), and IV (2008-2009) of the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health (Add Health) are used. The Add Health is a nationally-representative sample of over 20,000 American adolescents enrolled in middle and high school during the 1994-1995 school year. On average, respondents are 15 years of age at Wave I (11-18 years), 22 years of age at Wave III (ranging from 18 to 26 years), and 29 years of age at Wave IV (ranging from 24 to 32 years). Multivariate regression models (e.g., ordinary least-squares, logistic, and negative binomial models) are used to assess the effects of violent victimization on the various behavioral, social, psychological, and health-related outcomes at each wave of data. Two-stage sample selection models are estimated to examine whether social ties explain variation in these outcomes among a subsample of victims at each stage of the life course.

The results indicate that the negative consequences of victimization vary considerably across different stages of the life course, and that the spectrum of negative outcomes linked to victimization narrows into adulthood. The effects of social ties appear to be age-graded as well, where ties are more protective for victims of violence in adolescence and adulthood than they are in early adulthood. These patterns of findings are discussed in light of their implications for continued theoretical development, future empirical research, and the creation of public policy concerning victimization.