Background: The universality of marriage in human societies around the world suggests a deep evolutionary history of institutionalized pair-bonding that stems back at least to early modern humans. However, marriage practices vary considerably from culture to culture, ranging from strict prescriptions and arranged marriages in some societies to mostly unregulated courtship in others, presence to absence of brideservice and brideprice, and polyandrous to polygynous unions. The ancestral state of early human marriage is not well known given the lack of conclusive archaeological evidence.

Methodology: Comparative phylogenetic analyses using data from contemporary hunter-gatherers around the world may allow for the reconstruction of ancestral human cultural traits. We attempt to reconstruct ancestral marriage practices using hunter-gatherer phylogenies based on mitochondrial DNA sequences.

Results: Arranged marriages are inferred to go back at least to first modern human migrations out of Africa. Reconstructions are equivocal on whether or not earlier human marriages were arranged because several African hunter-gatherers have courtship marriages. Phylogenetic reconstructions suggest that marriages in early ancestral human societies probably had low levels of polygyny (low reproductive skew) and reciprocal exchanges between the families of marital partners (i.e., brideservice or brideprice).

Discussion: Phylogenetic results suggest a deep history of regulated exchange of mates and resources among lineages that enhanced the complexity of human meta-group social structure with coalitions and alliances spanning across multiple residential communities.

Hypotheses on the benefits of the practice of partible paternity are tested using demographic data for Ache foragers of Paraguay. Partible paternity refers to the institution of multiple males considered to contribute to the conception of a single offspring. Analyses focus on patterns of primary and secondary co-fatherhood among men, genealogical relationships between co-fathers, and relation between band co-residence and co-fatherhood. Results indicate that men who had more secondary fatherhood also had more primary fatherhood; co-fathers are more closely related, on average, than men who are not co-fathers; and co-fathers were also more likely to reside together than men who were not co-fathers, even after controlling for relatedness. Results are most consistent with women choosing co-fathers of offspring in ways that maximize likelihood and amount of investment (multiple investors hypothesis) and men competing for more mates with at least partially affiliative outcomes (mate competition and male alliance hypotheses).